The 2. Booke (part 2)

And now, loving freinds & partners, if you joyne in Ashles patent & bussines, though we have laid out ye money and taken up much to stock this bussines & the other, yet I thinke it conscionable and reasonable yt you should beare your shares and proportion of ye stock, if not by present money, yet by securing us for so much as it shall come too; for it is not barly ye interest that is to be alowed & considered of, but allso ye adventure; though I hope in God, by his blessing & your honest indeavors, it may soon be payed; yet ye years yt this partnership holds is not long, nor many; let all therfore lay it to harte, and make ye best use of ye time that possiblie we cann, and let every man put too his shoulder, and ye burthen will be the lighter. I know you are so honest & conscionable men, as you will consider hereof, and returne shuch an answer as may give good satisfaction. Ther is none of us that would venture as we have done, were it not to strengthen & setle you more then our owne perticuler profite.

Ther is no liclyhood of doing any good in buying ye debte for ye purchas. I know some will not abate ye interest, and therfore let it rune its course; they are to be paied yearly, and so I hope they shall, according to agreemente. The Lord grant yt our loves & affections may still be united, and knit togeither; and so we rest your ever loving friends,

James Sherley.

Timothy Hatherley.

Bristoll, March 19. 1629.

This mater of ye buying ye debts of ye purchass was parte of Mr. Allertons instructions, and in many of them it might have been done to good profite for ready pay (as some were); but Mr. Sherley had no mind to it. But this bussines aboute Ashley did not a litle trouble them; for though he had wite & abillitie enough to menage ye bussines, yet some of them knew him to be a very profane yonge man; and he had for some time lived amonge ye Indeans as a savage, & wente naked amongst them, and used their maners (in wch time he got their language), so they feared he might still rune into evill courses (though he promised better), and God would not prosper his ways. As soone as he was landed at ye place intended, caled Penobscote, some 4 score leagues from this place, he write (& afterwards came) for to desire to be supplyed with Wampampeake, corne against winter, and other things. They considered these were of their cheefe com̅odities, and would be continually needed by him, and it would much prejudice their owne trade at Kenebeck if they did not joyne with him in ye ordering of things, if thus they should supply him; and on ye other hand, if they refused to joyne with him, and allso to afford any supply unto him, they should greatly offend their above named friends, and might hapily lose them hereby; and he and Mr. Allerton, laying their craftie wits togither, might gett supplies of these things els wher; besids, they considered that if they joyned not in ye bussines, they knew Mr. Allerton would be with them in it, & so would swime, as it were, betweene both, to ye prejudice of boath, but of them selves espetially. For they had reason to thinke this bussines was cheefly of his contriving, and Ashley was a man fitte for his turne and dealings. So they, to prevente a worse mischeefe, resolved to joyne in ye bussines, and gave him supplies in what they could, & overlooked his proceedings as well as they could; the which they did ye better, by joyning an honest yonge man, that came from Leyden, with him as his fellow (in some sorte), and not merely as a servante. Which yonge man being discreete, and one whom they could trust, they so instructed as keept Ashley in some good mesure within bounds. And so they returned their answer to their freinds in England, that they accepted of their motion, and joyned with them in Ashleys bussines; and yet withall tould them what their fears were concerning him.

But when they came to have full notice of all ye goods brought them that year, they saw they fell very short of trading goods, and Ashley farr better suppleyed then themselves; so as they were forced to buy of the fisher men to furnish them selves, yea, & cottens & carseys & other such like cloath (for want of trading cloath) of Mr. Allerton himselfe, and so to put away a great parte of their beaver, at under rate, in the countrie, which they should have sente home, to help to discharge their great ingagementes; which was to their great vexation; but Mr. Allerton prayed them to be contente, and ye nexte yere they might have what they would write for. And their ingagmentes of this year were great indeed when they came to know them, (which was not wholy till 2. years after); and that which made them ye more, Mr. Allerton had taken up some large sum̅es at Bristoll at 50. p̲r cent. againe, which he excused, that he was forcte to it, because other wise he could at ye spring of year get no goods transported, such were their envie against their trade. But wheither this was any more then an excuse, some of them doubted; but however, ye burden did lye on their backs, and they must bear it, as they did many heavie loads more in ye end.

This paying of 50. pr cent. and dificulty of having their goods trāsported by the fishing ships at ye first of ye year, (as was beleeved,) which was ye cheefe season for trade, put them upon another projecte. Mr. Allerton, after ye fishing season was over, light of a bargan of salte, at a good fishing place, and bought it; which came to aboute 113li.; and shortly after he might have had 30li. cleare profite for it, without any more trouble aboute it. But Mr. Winslow coming that way from Kenebeck, & some other of ther partners with him in ye barke, they mett with Mr. Allerton, and falling into discourse with him, they stayed him from selling ye salte; and resolved, if it might please ye rest, to keep it for them selves, and to hire a ship in ye west cuntrie to come on fishing for them, on shares, according to ye coustome; and seeing she might have her salte here ready, and a stage ready builte & fitted wher the salt lay safely landed & housed. In stead of bringing salte, they might stowe her full of trading goods, as bread, pease, cloth, &c., and so they might have a full supply of goods without paing fraight, and in due season, which might turne greatly to their advantage. Coming home, this was propounded, and considered on, and aproved by all but ye Govr, who had no mind to it, seeing they had allway lost by fishing; but ye rest were so ernest, as thinkeing that they might gaine well by ye fishing in this way; and if they should but save, yea, or lose some thing by it, ye other benefite would be advantage inough; so, seeing their ernestnes, he gave way, and it was referd to their freinds in England to alow, or disalow it. Of which more in its place.

Upon ye consideration of ye bussines about ye paten, & in what state it was left, as is before remembred, and Mr. Sherleys ernest pressing to have Mr. Allertō to come over againe to finish it, & perfect ye accounts, &c., it was concluded to send him over this year againe; though it was with some fear & jeolocie; yet he gave them fair words and promises of well performing all their bussineses according to their directions, and to mend his former errors. So he was accordingly sent with full instructions for all things, with large letters to Mr. Sherley & ye rest, both aboute Ashleys bussines and their owne suply with trading comodities, and how much it did concerne them to be furnished therwith, & what ye had suffered for wante therof; and of what litle use other goods were in comparison therof; and so likewise aboute this fishing ship, to be thus hired, and fraught with trading goods, which might both supply them & Ashley, and ye benefite therof; which was left to their consideration to hire & set her out, or not; but in no case not to send any, exepte she was thus fraighte with trading goods. But what these things came too will appere in ye next years passages.

I had like to have omited an other passage that fell out ye begining of this year. Ther was one Mr. Ralfe Smith, & his wife & familie, yt came over into ye Bay of ye Massachusets, and sojourned at presente with some stragling people that lived at Natascoe; here being a boat of this place putting in ther on some occasion, he ernestly desired that they would give him & his, passage for Plimoth, and some such things as they could well carrie; having before heard yt ther was liklyhood he might procure house-roome for some time, till he should resolve to setle ther, if he might, or els-wher as God should disposs; for he was werie of being in yt uncoth place, & in a poore house yt would neither keep him nor his goods drie. So, seeing him to be a grave man, & understood he had been a minister, though they had no order for any such thing, yet they presumed and brought him. He was here accordingly kindly entertained & housed, & had ye rest of his goods & servants sente for, and exercised his gifts amongst them, and afterwards was chosen into ye ministrie, and so remained for sundrie years.

It was before noted that sundry of those that came from Leyden, came over in the ships yt came to Salem, wher Mr. Endecott had cheefe com̅and; and by infection that grue amonge ye passengers at sea, it spread also among them a shore, of which many dyed, some of ye scurvie, other of an infectious feaoure, which continued some time amongst them (though our people, through Gods goodnes, escaped it). Upon which occasion he write hither for some help, understanding here was one that had some skill yt way, & had cured diverse of ye scurvie, and others of other diseases, by letting blood, & other means. Upon which his request ye Govr hear sent him unto them, and also write to him, from whom he received an answere; the which, because it is breefe, and shows ye begining of their aquaintance, and closing in ye truth & ways of God, I thought it not unmeete, nor without use, hear to inserte it; and an other showing ye begining of their fellowship & church estate ther.

Being as followeth.

Right worthy Sr:

It is a thing not usuall, that servants to one mr and of ye same houshold should be strangers; I assure you I desire it not, nay, to speake more plainly, I cannot be so to you. Gods people are all marked with one and ye same marke, and sealed with one and ye same seale, and have for ye maine, one & ye same harte, guided by one & same spirite of truth; and wher this is, ther can be no discorde, nay, here must needs be sweete harmonie. And ye same request (with you) I make unto ye Lord, that we may, as Christian breethren, be united by a heavenly & unfained love; bending all our harts and forces in furthering a worke beyond our strength, with reverence & fear, fastening our eyse allways on him that only is able to directe and prosper all our ways. I acknowledge my selfe much bound to you for your kind love and care in sending Mr. Fuller among us, and rejoyce much yt I am by him satisfied touching your judgments of ye outward forme of Gods worshipe. It is, as farr as I can yet gather, no other then is warrented by ye evidence of truth, and ye same which I have proffessed and maintained ever since ye Lord in mercie revealed him selfe unto me; being farr from ye commone reporte that hath been spread of you touching that perticuler. But Gods children must not looke for less here below, and it is ye great mercie of God, that he strengthens them to goe through with it. I shall not neede at this time to be tedious unto you, for, God willing, I purpose to see your face shortly. In ye mean time, I humbly take my leave of you, com̅iting you to ye Lords blessed protection, & rest.

Your assured loving friend,

Jo: Endecott.

Naumkeak, May 11. Ano. 1629.

This second leter sheweth ther proceedings in their church affaires at Salem, which was ye 2. church erected in these parts; and afterwards ye Lord established many more in sundrie places.

Sr: I make bould to trouble you with a few lines, for to certifie you how it hath pleased God to deale with us, since you heard from us. How, notwithstanding all opposition that hath been hear, & els wher, it hath pleased God to lay a foundation, the which I hope is agreeable to his word in every thing. The 20. of July, it pleased ye Lord to move ye hart of our Govr to set it aparte for a solemne day of humilliation for ye choyce of a pastor & teacher. The former parte of ye day being spente in praier & teaching, the later parte aboute ye election, which was after this maner. The persons thought on (who had been ministers in England) were demanded concerning their callings; they acknowledged ther was a towfould calling, the one an inward calling, when ye Lord moved ye harte of a man to take yt calling upon him, and fitted him with guiftes for ye same; the second was an outward calling, which was from ye people, when a company of beleevers are joyned togither in covenante, to walke togither in all ye ways of God, and every member (being men) are to have a free voyce in ye choyce of their officers, &c. Now, we being perswaded that these 2. men were so quallified, as ye apostle speaks to Timothy, wher he saith, A bishop must be blamles, sober, apte to teach, &c., I thinke I may say, as ye eunuch said unto Philip, What should let from being baptised, seeing ther was water? and he beleeved. So these 2. servants of God, clearing all things by their answers, (and being thus fitted,) we saw noe reason but we might freely give our voyces for their election, after this triall. So Mr. Skelton was chosen pastor, and Mr. Higgison to be teacher; and they accepting ye choyce, Mr. Higgison, with 3. or 4. of ye gravest members of ye church, laid their hands on Mr. Skelton, using prayer therwith. This being done, ther was imposission of hands on Mr. Higgison also. And since that time, Thursday (being, as I take it, ye 6. of August) is appoynted for another day of humilliation, for ye choyce of elders & deacons, & ordaining of them.

And now, good Sr, I hope yt you & ye rest of Gods people (who are aquainted with the ways of God) with you, will say that hear was a right foundation layed, and that these 2. blessed servants of ye Lord came in at ye dore, and not at ye window. Thus I have made bould to trouble you with these few lines, desiring you to remember us, &c. And so rest,

At your service in what I may,

Charles Gott.

Salem, July 30. 1629.

Anno Dom: 1630.

Ashley, being well supplyed, had quickly gathered a good parcell of beaver, and like a crafty pate he sent it all home, and would not pay for ye goods he had had of ye plantation hear, but lett them stand still on ye score, and tooke up still more. Now though they well enough knew his aime, yet they let him goe on, and write of it into England. But partly ye beaver they received, & sould, (of which they weer sencible,) and partly by Mr. Allertons extolling of him, they cast more how to supplie him then ye plantation, and something to upbraid them with it. They were forct to buy him a barke allso, and to furnish her wth a mr. & men, to transports his corne & provissions (of which he put of much); for ye Indeans of those parts have no corne growing, and at harvest, after corne is ready, ye weather grows foule, and ye seas dangerous, so as he could doe litle good with his shallope for yt purposs.

They looked ernestly for a timely supply this spring, by the fishing ship which they expected, and had been at charg to keepe a stage for her; but none came, nor any supply heard of for them. At length they heard sume supply was sent to Ashley by a fishing ship, at which they something marvelled, and the more yt they had no letters either from Mr. Allerton or Mr. Sherley; so they went on in their bussines as well as ye could. At last they heard of Mr. Peirce his arivall in ye Bay of ye Massachusetts, who brought passengers & goods thither. They presently sent a shallop, conceiving they should have some thing by him. But he tould them he had none; and a ship was sett out on fishing, but after 11. weeks beating at sea, she mett with shuch foull weather as she was forcte back againe for England, and, ye season being over, gave off ye vioage. Neither did he hear of much goods in her for ye plantation, or yt she did belong to them, for he had heard some thing from Mr. Allerton tending that way. But Mr. Allerton had bought another ship, and was to come in her, and was to fish for bass to ye eastward, and to bring goods, &c. These things did much trouble them, and half astonish them. Mr. Winslow haveing been to ye eastward, brought nuese of the like things, wth some more perticulers, and yt it was like Mr. Allerton would be late before he came. At length they, having an oppertunitie, resolved to send Mr. Winslow, with what beaver they had ready, into England, to see how ye squars wente, being very jeolouse of these things, & Mr. Allertons courses; and writ shuch leters, and gave him shuch instructions, as they thought meet; and if he found things not well, to discharge Mr. Allerton for being any longer agent for them, or to deal any more in ye bussines, and to see how ye accounts stood, &c.

Aboute ye midle of som̅er arrives Mr. Hatherley in ye Bay of ye Massachusetts, (being one of ye partners,) and came over in ye same ship that was set out on fhishing (called ye Frendship). They presently sent to him, making no question but now they had goods come, and should know how all things stood. But they found the former news true, how this ship had been so long at sea, and spente and spoyled her provissions, and overthrowne ye viage. And he being sent over by ye rest of ye partners, to see how things wente hear, being at Bristoll with Mr. Allerton, in ye shipe bought (called ye White-Angell), ready to set sayle, over night came a messenger from Bastable to Mr. Allerton, and tould him of ye returne of ye ship, and what had befallen. And he not knowing what to doe, having a great chareg under hand, ye ship lying at his rates, and now ready to set sayle, got him to goe and discharg ye ship, and take order for ye goods. To be short, they found Mr. Hatherley some thing reserved, and troubled in him selfe, (Mr. Allerton not being ther,) not knowing how to dispose of ye goods till he came; but he heard he was arived with ye other ship to ye eastward, and expected his coming. But he tould them ther was not much for them in this ship, only 2. packs of Bastable ruggs, and 2. hoggsheads of meatheglin, drawne out in wooden flackets (but when these flackets came to be received, ther was left but 6. gallons of ye 2. hogsheads, it being drunke up under ye name leackage, and so lost). But the ship was filled with goods for sundrie gentlemen, & others, that were come to plant in ye Massachusets, for which they payed fraight by ye tun. And this was all the satisfaction they could have at presente, so they brought this small parcell of goods & returned with this nues, and a letter as obscure; which made them much to marvell therat. The letter was as followeth.

Gentle-men, partners, and loving friends, &c.

Breefly thus: wee have this year set forth a fishing ship, and a trading ship, which later we have bought; and so have disbursed a great deale of money, as may and will appeare by ye accounts. And because this ship (called ye White Angell) is to acte 2. parts, (as I may say,) fishing for bass, and trading; and that while Mr. Allerton was imployed aboute ye trading, the fishing might suffer by carlesnes or neglecte of ye sailors, we have entreated your and our loving friend, Mr. Hatherley, to goe over with him, knowing he will be a comforte to Mr. Allerton, a joye to you, to see a carfull and loving friend, and a great stay to ye bussines; and so great contente to us, that if it should please God ye one should faile, (as God forbid,) yet ye other would keepe both recconings, and things uprighte. For we are now out great sumes of money, as they will acquainte you withall, &c. When we were out but 4. or 5. hundred pounds a peece, we looked not much after it, but left it to you, & your agente, (who, without flaterie, deserveth infinite thanks & comendations, both of you & us, for his pains, &c.); but now we are out double, nay, trible a peece, some of us, &c.; which maks us both write, and send over our friend, Mr. Hatherley, whom we pray you to entertaine kindly, of which we doubte not of. The main end of sending him is to see ye state and accounte of all ye bussines, of all which we pray you informe him fully, though ye ship & bussines wayte for it and him. For we should take it very unkindly that we should intreat him to take such a journey, and that, when it pleaseth God he returnes, he could not give us contente & satisfaction in this perticuler, through defaulte of any of you. But we hope you will so order bussines, as neither he nor we shall have cause to complaine, but to doe as we ever have done, thinke well of you all, &c. I will not promise, but shall indeaour & hope to effecte ye full desire and grant of your patente, & that ere it be longe. I would not have you take any thing unkindly. I have not write out of jeolocie of any unjuste dealing. Be you all kindly saluted in ye Lord, so I rest,

Yours in what I may,

James Sherley.

March 25. 1630.

It needs not be thought strange, that these things should amase and trouble them; first, that this fishing ship should be set out, and fraight with other mens goods, & scarce any of theirs; seeing their maine end was (as is before remembred) to bring them a full supply, and their speatiall order not to sett out any excepte this was done. And now a ship to come on their accounte, clean contrary to their both end & order, was a misterie they could not understand; and so much ye worse, seeing she had shuch ill success as to lose both her vioage & provissions. The 2. thing, that another ship should be bought and sente out on new designes, a thing not so much as once thought on by any here, much less, not a word intimated or spoaken of by any here, either by word or letter, neither could they imagine why this should be. Bass fishing was never lookt at by them, but as soone as ever they heard on it, they looked at it as a vaine thing, that would certainly turne to loss. And for Mr. Allerton to follow any trade for them, it was never in their thoughts. And 3ly, that their friēds should complaine of disbursements, and yet rune into such great things, and charge of shiping & new projects of their owne heads, not only without, but against, all order & advice, was to them very strang. And 4ly, that all these matters of so great charg & imployments should be thus wrapped up in a breefe and obscure letter, they knew not what to make of it. But amids all their doubts they must have patience till Mr. Allerton & Mr. Hatherley should come. In ye mean time Mr. Winslow was gone for England; and others of them were forst to folow their imployments with ye best means they had, till they could hear of better.

At length Mr. Hatherley & Mr. Allerton came unto them, (after they had delivered their goods,) and finding them strucken with some sadnes aboute these things, Mr. Allerton tould them that ye ship Whit-Angele did not belong to them, nor their accounte, neither neede they have any thing to doe with her, excepte they would. And Mr. Hatherley confirmed ye same, and said that they would have had him to have had a parte, but he refused; but he made question whether they would not turne her upon ye generall accounte, if ther came loss (as he now saw was like), seeing Mr. Allerton laid downe this course, and put them on this projecte. But for ye fishing ship, he tould them they need not be so much troubled, for he had her accounts here, and showed them that her first seting out came not much to exceed 600li. as they might see by ye accounte, which he showed them; and for this later viage, it would arrise to profite by ye fraight of the goods, and ye salle of some katle which he shiped and had allready sould, & was to be paid for partly here & partly by bills into England, so as they should not have this put on their acounte at all, except they would. And for ye former, he had sould so much goods out of her in England, and imployed ye money in this 2. viage, as it, togeither with such goods & implements as Mr. Allerton must need aboute his fishing, would rise to a good parte of ye money; for he must have ye sallt and nets, allso spiks, nails, &c.; all which would rise to nere 400li; so, with ye bearing of their parts of ye rest of the loses (which would not be much above 200li.), they would clear them of this whole accounte. Of which motion they were glad, not being willing to have any accounts lye upon them; but aboute their trade, which made them willing to harken therunto, and demand of Mr. Hatherley how he could make this good, if they should agree their unto, he tould them he was sent over as their agente, and had this order from them, that whatsoever he and Mr. Allerton did togeather, they would stand to it; but they would not alow of what Mr. Allerton did alone, except they liked it; but if he did it alone, they would not gaine say it. Upon which they sould to him & Mr. Allerton all ye rest of ye goods, and gave them present possession of them; and a writing was made, and confirmed under both Mr. Hatherleys and Mr. Allertons hands, to ye effecte afforesaide. And Mr. Allertone, being best aquainted wth ye people, sould away presenly all shuch goods as he had no need of for ye fishing, as 9. shallop sails, made of good new canvas, and ye roads for them being all new, with sundry such usefull goods, for ready beaver, by Mr. Hatherleys allowance. And thus they thought they had well provided for them selvs. Yet they rebuked Mr. Allerton very much for runing into these courses, fearing ye success of them. Mr. Allerton & Mr. Hatherley brought to ye towne with them (after he had sould what he could abroad) a great quantity of other goods besids trading comodities; as linen cloath, bedticks, stockings, tape, pins, ruggs, &c., and tould them they were to have them, if they would; but they tould Mr. Allerton that they had forbid him before for bringing any such on their accounte; it would hinder their trade and returnes. But he & Mr. Hatherley said, if they would not have them, they would sell them, them selves, and take corne for what they could not otherwise sell. They tould them they might, if they had order for it. The goods of one sorte & other came to upward of 500li.

After these things, Mr. Allerton wente to ye ship aboute his bass fishing; and Mr. Hatherley, (according to his order,) after he tooke knowledg how things stood at ye plantation, (of all which they informed him fully,) he then desired a boate of them to goe and visite ye trading houeses, both Kenebeck, and Ashley at Penobscote; for so they in England had injoyned him. They accordingly furnished him with a boate & men for ye viage, and aquainted him plainly & thorowly with all things; by which he had good contente and satisfaction, and saw plainly that Mr. Allerton plaid his owne game, and rane a course not only to ye great wrong & detrimente of ye plantation, who imployed & trusted him, but abused them in England also, in possessing them with prejudice against ye plantation; as yt, they would never be able to repaye their moneys (in regard of their great charge), but if they would follow his advice and projects, he & Ashley (being well supplyed) would quickly bring in their moneys with good advantage. Mr. Hatherley disclosed also a further projecte aboute ye setting out of this ship, ye White-angell; how, she being wel fitted with good ordnance, and known to have made a great fight at sea (when she belongd to Bristoll) and caried away the victory, they had agreed (by Mr. Allerton's means) that, after she had brought a fraight of goods here into the countrie, and fraight her selfe with fish, she should goe from hence to Port of porte, and ther be sould, both ship, goods, and ordenance; and had, for this end, had speech with a factore of those parts, beforehand, to whom she should have been consigned. But this was prevented at this time, (after it was known,) partly by ye contrary advice given by their freinds hear to Mr. Allerton & Mr. Hatherley, showing how it might insnare their friends in England, (being men of estate,) if it should come to be knowne; and for ye plantation, they did and would disalow it, and protest against it; and partly by their bad viage, for they both came too late to doe any good for fishing, and allso had such a wicked and drunken company as neither Mr. Allerton nor any els could rule; as Mr. Hatherley, to his great greefe & shame, saw, & beheld, and all others that came nere them.

Ashley likwise was taken in a trape, (before Mr. Hatherley returned,) for trading powder & shote with ye Indeans; and was ceased upon by some in authoritie, who allso would have confiscated above a thousand weight of beaver; but ye goods were freed, for ye Governer here made it appere, by a bond under Ashleys hand, wherin he was bound to them in 500li. not to trade any munition with the Indeans, or other wise to abuse him selfe; it was also manifest against him that he had com̅ited uncleannes with Indean women, (things that they feared at his first imployment, which made them take this strict course with him in ye begining); so, to be shorte, they gott their goods freed, but he was sent home prisoner. And that I may make an end concerning him, after some time of imprisonmente in ye Fleet, by ye means of friends he was set at liberty, and intended to come over againe, but ye Lord prevented it; for he had a motion made to him, by some marchants, to goe into Russia, because he had such good skill in ye beaver trade, the which he accepted of, and in his returne home was cast away at sea; this was his end.

Mr. Hatherley, fully understanding ye state of all things, had good satisfaction, and could well informe them how all things stood betweene Mr. Allerton and ye plantation. Yea, he found that Mr. Allerton had gott within him, and got all the goods into his owne hands, for which Mr. Hatherley stood joyntly ingaged to them hear, aboute ye ship-Freīdship, as also most of ye fraigte money, besids some of his owne perticuler estate; about wch more will appear here after. So he returned into England, and they sente a good quantity of beaver with him to ye rest of ye partners; so both he and it was very wellcome unto them.

Mr. Allerton followed his affaires, & returned with his White Angell, being no more imployed by ye plantation; but these bussinesses were not ended till many years after, nor well understood of a longe time, but foulded up in obscuritie, & kepte in ye clouds, to ye great loss & vexation of ye plantation, who in ye end were (for peace sake) forced to bear ye unjust burthen of them, to their allmost undoing, as will appear, if God give life to finish this history.

They sent their letters also by Mr. Hatherley to ye partners ther, to show them how Mr. Hatherley & Mr. Allerton had discharged them of ye Friendships accounte, and that they boath affirmed yt the White-Angell did not at all belong to them; and therfore desired that their accounte might not be charged therwith. Also they write to Mr. Winslow, their agente, that he in like maner should (in their names) protest against it, if any such thing should be intended, for they would never yeeld to ye same. As allso to signifie to them that they renounsed Mr. Allerton wholy, for being their agente, or to have any thing to doe in any of their bussines.

This year John Billinton ye elder (one that came over with ye first) was arrained, and both by grand & petie jurie found guilty of willfull murder, by plaine & notorious evidence. And was for the same accordingly executed. This, as it was ye first execution amongst them, so was it a mater of great sadnes unto them. They used all due means about his triall, and tooke ye advice of Mr. Winthrop and other ye ablest gentle-men in ye Bay of ye Massachusets, that were then new-ly come over, who concured with them yt he ought to dye, and ye land to be purged from blood. He and some of his had been often punished for miscariags before, being one of the profanest families amongst them. They came from London, and I know not by what freinds shufled into their company. His facte was, that he way-laid a yong-man, one John New-comin, (about a former quarell,) and shote him with a gune, wherof he dyed.

Having by a providence a letter or to yt came to my hands concerning the proceedings of their Red freinds in ye Bay of ye Massachusets, who were latly come over, I thought it not amise here to inserte them, (so farr as is pertenente, and may be usefull for after times,) before I conclude this year.

Sr: Being at Salem the 25. of July, being ye saboath, after ye evening exercise, Mr. Johnson received a letter from ye Governor, Mr. John Winthrop, manifesting ye hand of God to be upon them, and against them at Charles-towne, in visiting them with sicknes, and taking diverse from amongst them, not sparing ye righteous, but partaking with ye wicked in these bodily judgments. It was therfore by his desire taken into ye Godly consideration of ye best hear, what was to be done to pacifie ye Lords wrath, &c. Wher it was concluded, that the Lord was to be sought in righteousnes; and to that end, ye 6. day (being Friday) of this present weeke, is set aparte, that they may humble them selves before God, and seeke him in his ordenances; and that then also such godly persons that are amongst them, and know̅ each to other, may publickly, at ye end of their exercise, make known their Godly desire, and practise ye same, viz. solem̅ly to enter into covenante with ye Lord to walke in his ways. And since they are so disposed of in their outward estats, as to live in three distinct places, each having men of abilitie amongst them, ther to observe ye day, and become 3. distincte bodys; not then intending rashly to proceed to ye choyce of officers, or ye admitting of any other to their societie then a few, to witte, such as are well knowne unto them; promising after to receive in such by confession of faith, as shall appeare to be fitly qualified for y estate. They doe ernestly entreate that ye church of Plimoth would set apparte ye same day, for ye same ends, beseeching ye Lord, as to withdraw his hand of correction from them, so also to establish and direct them in his wayes. And though ye time be shorte, we pray you be provocked to this godly worke, seing ye causes are so urgente; wherin God will be honoured, and they & we undoubtedly have sweete comforte. Be you all kindly saluted, &c.

Your brethren in Christ, &c.

Salem, July 26. 1630.

Sr: etc. The sadd news here is, that many are sicke, and many are dead; ye Lord in mercie looke upon them. Some are here entered into church covenante; the first were 4. namly, ye Govr, Mr. John Winthrop, Mr. Johnson, Mr. Dudley, and Mr. Willson; since that 5. more are joyned unto them, and others, it is like, will adde them selves to them dayly; the Lord increase them, both in number and in holines for his mercie sake. Here is a gentleman, one Mr. Cottington, (a Boston man,) who tould me, that Mr. Cottons charge at Hamton was, that they should take advise of them at Plimoth, and should doe nothing to offend them. Here are diverce honest Christians that are desirous to see us, some out of love which they bear to us, and ye good perswasion they have of us; others to see whether we be so ill as they have heard of us. We have a name of holines, and love to God and his saincts; the Lord make us more and more answerable, and that it may be more then a name, or els it will doe us no good. Be you lovingly saluted, and all the rest of our friends. The Lord Jesus blese us, and ye whole Israll of God. Amen.

Your loving brother, &c.

Charles-towne, Aug. 2. 1630.

Thus out of smalle beginings greater things have been prodused by his hand yt made all things of nothing, and gives being to all things that are; and as one small candle may light a thousand, so ye light here kindled hath shone to many, yea in some sorte to our whole nation; let ye glorious name of Jehova have all ye praise.

Anno Dom: 1631.

Ashley being thus by ye hand of God taken away, and Mr. Allerton discharged of his imploymente for them, their bussines began againe to rune in one chanell, and them selves better able to guide the same, Penobscote being wholy now at their disposing. And though Mr. William Peirce had a parte ther as is before noted, yet now, as things stood, he was glad to have his money repayed him, and stand out. Mr. Winslow, whom they had sent over, sent them over some supply as soone as he could; and afterwards when he came, which was something longe by reason of bussines, he brought a large supply of suitable goods with him, by which ther trading was well carried on. But by no means either he, or ye letters yey write, could take off Mr. Sherley & ye rest from putting both ye Friendship and Whit-Angell on ye generall accounte; which caused continuall contention betweene them, as will more appeare.

I shall inserte a leter of Mr. Winslow's about these things, being as foloweth.

Sr: It fell out by Gods providence, yt I received and brought your leters pr Mr. Allerton from Bristoll, to London; and doe much feare what will be ye event of things. Mr. Allerton intended to prepare ye ship againe, to set forth upon fishing. Mr. Sherley, Mr. Beachamp, & Mr. Andrews, they renounce all perticulers, protesting but for us they would never have adventured one penie into those parts; Mr. Hatherley stands inclinable to either. And wheras you write that he and Mr. Allerton have taken ye Whit-Angell upon them, for their partners here, they professe they neiver gave any such order, nor will make it good; if them selves will cleare ye accounte & doe it, all shall be well. What ye evente of these things will be, I know not. The Lord so directe and assiste us, as he may not be dishonoured by our divissions. I hear (pr a friend) that I was much blamed for speaking wt I heard in ye spring of ye year, concerning ye buying & setting forth of yt ship; sure, if I should not have tould you what I heard so peremtorly reported (which report I offered now to prove at Bristoll), I should have been unworthy my imploymente. And concerning ye commission so long since given to Mr. Allerton, the truth is, the thing we feared is come upon us; for Mr. Sherley & ye rest have it, and will not deliver it, that being ye ground of our agents credite to procure shuch great sumes. But I looke for bitter words, hard thoughts, and sower looks, from sundrie, as well for writing this, as reporting ye former. I would I had a more thankfull imploymente; but I hope a good conscience shall make it comefortable, &c.

Thus farr he. Dated Nov: 16. 1631.

The comission above said was given by them under their hand and seale, when Mr. Allerton was first imployed by them, and redemanded of him in ye year 29. when they begane to suspecte his course. He tould them it was amongst his papers, but he would seeke it out & give it them before he wente. But he being ready to goe, it was demanded againe. He said he could not find it, but it was amongst his papers, which he must take wth him, and he would send it by ye boat from ye eastward; but ther it could not be had neither, but he would seeke it up at sea. But whether Mr. Sherley had it before or after, it is not certaine; but having it, he would not let it goe, but keeps it to this day. Wherfore, even amongst freinds, men had need be carfull whom they trust, and not lett things of this nature lye long unrecaled.

Some parts of Mr. Sherley's letters aboute these things, in which ye truth is best manifested.

Sir: Yours I have received by our loving friends, Mr. Allerton & Mr. Hatherley, who, blesed be God, after a long & dangerous passage with ye ship Angell, are safely come to Bristoll. Mr. Hatherley is come up, but Mr. Allerton I have not yet seen. We thanke you, and are very glad you have disswaded him from his Spanish viage, and yt he did not goe on in these designes he intended; for we did all uterly dislick of that course, as allso of ye fishing yt ye Freindship should have performed; for we wished him to sell ye salte, and were unwilling to have him undertake so much bussines, partly for ye ill success we formerly had in those affairs, and partly being loath to disburse so much money. But he perswaded us this must be one way yt must repay us, for ye plantation would be long in doing of it; ney, to my rememberance, he doubted you could not be able, with ye trade ther, to maintaine your charge & pay us. And for this very cause he brought us on yt bussines with Ed: Ashley, for he was a stranger to us, &c.

For ye fishing ship, we are sorie it proves so heavie, and will be willing to bear our parts. What Mr. Hatherley & Mr. Allerton have done, no doubt but them selves will make good; we gave them no order to make any composition, to seperate you and us in this or any other. And I thinke you have no cause to forsake us, for we put you upon no new thing, but what your agent perswaded us to, & you by your letters desired. If he exceede your order, I hope you will not blame us, much less cast us of, when our moneys be layed out, &c. But I fear neither you nor we have been well delte withall, for sure, as you write, halfe 4000li.?, nay, a quarter, in fitting comodities, and in seasonable time, would have furnished you beter then you were. And yet for all this, and much more I might write, I dare not but thinke him honest, and that his desire and intente was good; but ye wisest may faile. Well, now yt it hath pleased God to give us hope of meeting, doubte not but we will all indeavore to perfecte these accounts just & right, as soone as possibly we can. And I supposs you sente over Mr. Winslow, and we Mr. Hatherley, to certifie each other how ye state of things stood. We have received some contente upon Mr. Hatherley's returne, and I hope you will receive good contente upon Mr. Winslow's returne. Now I should come to answer more perticulerly your letter, but herin I shall be very breefe. The coming of ye White Angele on your accounte could not be more strang to you, then ye buying of her was to us; for you gave him commission that what he did you would stand too; we gave him none, and yet for his credite, and your saks, payed what bills he charged on us, &c. For yt I write she was to acte tow parts, fishing & trade; beleeve me, I never so much as thought of any perticuler trade, nor will side with any yt doth, if I conceive it may wrong you; for I ever was against it, useing these words: They will eate up and destroy ye generall.

Other things I omite as tedious, and not very pertenente. This was dated Novr. 19. 1631.

In an other leter bearing date ye 24. of this month, being an answer to ye generall order, he hath these words:—

For ye White Angell, against which you write so ernestly, and say we thrust her upon you, contrary to ye intente of ye buyer, herin we say you forgett your selves, and doe us wrong. We will not take uppon us to devine what ye thougts or intents of ye buyer was, but what he spack we heard, and that we will affirme, and make good against any yt oppose it; which is, yt unles shee were bought, and shuch a course taken, Ashley could not be supplyed; and againe, if he weer not supplyed, we could not be satisfied what we were out for you. And further, you were not able to doe it; and he gave some reasons which we spare to relate, unless by your unreasonable refusall you will force us, and so, hasten yt fire which is a kindling too fast allready, &c.

Out of another of his, bearing date Jan. 2. 1631.

We purpose to keep ye Freindship and ye Whit Angell, for ye last year viages, on the generall accounte, hoping togeither they will rather produse profite then loss, and breed less confution in our accounts, and less disturbance in our affections. As for ye White Angell, though we layed out ye money, and tooke bills of salle in our owne names, yet none of us had so much as a thought (I dare say) of deviding from you in any thing this year, because we would not have ye world (I may say Bristoll) take notice of any breach betwixte Mr. Allerton and you, and he and us; and so disgrace him in his proceedings on in his intended viage. We have now let him ye ship at 30li. pr month, by charter-partie, and bound him in a bond of a 1000li. to performe covenants, and bring her to London (if God please). And what he brings in her for you, shall be marked wth your marke, and bils of laden taken, & sent in Mr. Winslows letter, who is this day riding to Bristoll about it. So in this viage, we deale & are with him as strangers. He hath brought in 3. books of accounts, one for ye company, an other for Ashley's bussines, and ye third for ye Whit-Angell and Freindship. The books, or coppies, we purpose to send you, for you may discover ye errours in them better then we. We can make it appear how much money he hath had of us, and you can charg him with all ye beaver he hath had of you. The totall sume, as he hath put it, is 7103. 17. 1. Of this he hath expended, and given to Mr. Vines & others, aboute 543li. ode money, and then by your books you will find whether you had such, & so much goods, as he chargeth you with all; and this is all that I can say at presente concerning these accounts. He thought to dispatch them in a few howers, but he and Straton & Fogge were above a month aboute them; but he could not stay till we had examined them, for losing his fishing viage, which I fear he hath allready done, &c.

We blese God, who put both you & us in mind to send each to other, for verily had he rune on in that desperate & chargable course one year more, we had not been able to suport him; nay, both he and we must have lyen in ye ditch, and sunck under ye burthen, &c. Had ther been an orderly course taken, and your bussines better managed, assuredly (by ye blessing of God) you had been ye ablest plantation that, as we think, or know, hath been undertaken by Englishmen, &c.

Thus farr of these letters of Mr. Sherley's.

A few observations from ye former letters, and then I shall set downe the simple truth of ye things (thus in controversie betweene them), at least as farr as by any good evidence it could be made to appeare; and so laboure to be breefe in so tedious and intricate a bussines, which hunge in expostulation betweene them many years before ye same was ended. That though ther will be often occasion to touch these things about other passages, yet I shall not neede to be large therin; doing it hear once for all.

First, it seemes to appere clearly that Ashley's bussines, and ye buying of this ship, and ye courses framed ther upon, were first contrived and proposed by Mr. Allerton, as also yt the pleaes and pretences which he made, of ye inablitie of ye plantation to repaye their moneys, &c., and ye hops he gave them of doing it with profile, was more beleeved & rested on by them (at least some of them) then any thing ye plantation did or said.

2. It is like, though Mr. Allerton might thinke not to wrong ye plantation in ye maine, yet his owne gaine and private ends led him a side in these things: for it came to be knowne, and I have it in a letter under Mr. Sherley's hand, that in ye first 2. or 3. years of his imploymente, he had cleared up 400li. and put it into a brew-house of Mr. Colliers in London, at first under Mr. Sherley's name, &c.; besids what he might have other wise. Againe, Mr. Sherley and he had perticuler dealings in some things; for he bought up ye beaver that sea-men & other passengers brought over to Bristoll, and at other places, and charged ye bills to London, which Mr. Sherley payed; and they got some time 50li. a peece in a bargen, as was made knowne by Mr. Hatherley & others, besids what might be other wise; which might make Mr. Sherley harken unto him in many things; and yet I beleeve, as he in his forementioned leter write, he never would side in any perticuler trade wch he conceived would wrong ye plantation, and eate up & destroy ye generall.

3ly. It may be perceived that, seeing they had done so much for ye plantation, both in former adventures and late disbursements, and allso that Mr. Allerton was ye first occasioner of bringing them upon these new designes, which at first seemed faire & profitable unto them, and unto which they agreed; but now, seeing them to turne to loss, and decline to greater intanglments, they thought it more meete for ye plantation to bear them, then them selves, who had borne much in other things allready, and so tooke advantage of such comission & power as Mr. Allerton had formerly had as their agente, to devolve these things upon them.

4ly. With pitie and compassion (touching Mr. Allerton) I may say with ye apostle to Timothy, 1. Tim. 6. 9. They that will be rich fall into many temtations and snares, &c., and pearce them selves throw with many sorrows, &c.; for the love of money is ye roote of all evill, v. 10. God give him to see ye evill in his failings, that he may find mercie by repentance for ye wrongs he hath done to any, and this pore plantation in spetiall. They that doe such things doe not only bring them selves into snares, and sorrows, but many with them, (though in an other kind,) as lamentable experience shows; and is too manifest in this bussines.

Now about these ships & their setting forth, the truth, as farr as could be learned, is this. The motion aboute setting forth ye fishing ship (caled ye Frindship) came first from ye plantation, and ye reasons of it, as is before remembered; but wholy left to them selves to doe or not to doe, as they saw cause. But when it fell into consideration, and ye designe was held to be profitable and hopefull, it was propounded by some of them, why might not they doe it of them selves, seeing they must disburse all ye money, and what need they have any refferance to ye plantation in yt; they might take ye profile them selves, towards other losses, & need not let ye plantation share therin; and if their ends were other wise answered for their supplyes to come too them in time, it would be well enough. So they hired her, & set her out, and fraighted her as full as she could carry with passengers goods yt belonged to ye Massachussets, which rise to a good sume of money; intending to send ye plantations supply in ye other ship. The effecte of this Mr. Hatherley not only declared afterward upon occasion, but affirmed upon othe, taken before ye Govr & Dep: Govr of the Massachusets, Mr. Winthrop & Mr. Dudley: That this ship-Frindship was not sett out nor intended for ye joynt partnership of ye plantation, but for ye perticuler accounte of Mr. James Sherley, Mr. Beachampe, Mr. Andrews, Mr. Allerton, & him selfe. This deposition was taken at Boston ye 29. of Aug: 1639. as is to be seen under their hands; besids some other concurente testimonies declared at severall times to sundrie of them.

About ye Whit-Angell, though she was first bought, or at least the price beaten, by Mr. Allerton (at Bristoll), yet that had been nothing if Mr. Sherley had not liked it, and disbursed ye money. And that she was not intended for ye plantation appears by sundrie evidences; as, first, ye bills of sale, or charter-parties, were taken in their owne names, without any mention or refferance to ye plantation at all; viz. Mr. Sherley, Mr. Beachampe, Mr. Andrews, Mr. Denison, and Mr. Allerton; for Mr. Hatherley fell off, and would not joyne with them in this. That she was not bought for their accounte, Mr. Hatherley tooke his oath before ye parties afforesaid, ye day and year above writen.

Mr. Allerton tooke his oath to like effecte concerning this ship, the Whit-Angell, before ye Govr & Deputie, the 7. of Sep: 1639. and likewise deposed, ye same time, that Mr. Hatherley and him selfe did, in the behalfe of them selves and ye said Mr. Sherley, Mr. Andrews, & Mr. Beachamp, agree and undertake to discharge, and save harmless, all ye rest of ye partners & purchasers, of and from ye said losses of Freindship for 200li., which was to be discounted therupon; as by ther depossitions (which are in writing) may appeare more at large, and some other depositions & other testemonies by Mr. Winslow, &c. But I suppose these may be sufficente to evince the truth in these things, against all pretences to ye contrary. And yet the burthen lay still upon ye plantation; or, to speake more truly and rightly, upon those few that were ingaged for all, for they were faine to wade through these things without any help from any.

Concerning Mr. Allerton's accounts, they were so larg and intrecate, as they could not well understand them, much less examine & correcte them, without a great deale of time & help, and his owne presence, which was now hard to gett amongst them; and it was 2. or 3. years before they could bring them to any good pass, but never make them perfecte. I know not how it came to pass, or what misterie was in it, for he tooke upon him to make up all accounts till this time, though Mr. Sherley was their agente to buy & sell their goods, and did more then he therin; yet he past in accounts in a maner for all disbursments, both concerning goods bought, which he never saw, but were done when he was hear in ye cuntrie or at sea; and all ye expences of ye Leyden people, done by others in his absence; the charges aboute ye patente, &c. In all which he made them debtore to him above 300li. and demanded paimente of it. But when things came to scaning, he was found above 2000li. debtore to them, (this wherin Mr. Hatherley & he being joyntly ingaged, which he only had, being included,) besids I know not how much yt could never be cleared; and interest moneys which ate them up, which he never accounted. Also they were faine to alow such large bills of charges as were intolerable; the charges of ye patent came to above 500li. and yet nothing done in it but what was done at first without any confirmation; 30li. given at a clape, and 50li. spent in a journey. No marvell therfore if Mr. Sherley said in his leter, if their bussines had been better managed, they might have been ye richest plantation of any English at yt time. Yea, he scrued up his poore old father in law's accounte to above 200li. and brought it on ye generall accounte, and to befreind him made most of it to arise out of those goods taken up by him at Bristoll, at 50. per cent., because he knew they would never let it lye on ye old man, when, alass! he, poore man, never dreamte of any such thing, nor yt what he had could arise nere yt valew; but thought that many of them had been freely bestowed on him & his children by Mr. Allerton. Nither in truth did they come nere yt valew in worth, but yt sume was blowne up by interest & high prises, which ye company did for ye most parte bear, (he deserving farr more,) being most sory that he should have a name to have much, when he had in effecte litle.

This year also Mr. Sherley sent over an accounte, which was in a maner but a cash accounte what Mr. Allerton had had of them, and disbursed, for which he referd to his accounts; besids an account of beaver sould, which Mr. Winslow & some others had carried over, and a large supply of goods which Mr. Winslow had sent & brought over, all which was comprised in that accounte, and all ye disbursments aboute ye Freindship, & Whit-Angell, and what concerned their accounts from first to last; or any thing else he could charg ye partners with. So they were made debtor in ye foote of that accounte 4770li 19. 2. besids 1000li. still due for ye purchase yet unpayed; notwithstanding all ye beaver, and returnes that both Ashley & they had made, which were not small.

In these accounts of Mr. Sherley's some things were obscure, and some things twise charged, as a 100. of Bastable ruggs which came in ye Freindship, & cost 75li., charged before by Mr. Allerton, and now by him againe, with other perticulers of like nature doubtfull, to be twise or thrise charged; as also a sume of 600li. which Mr. Allerton deneyed, and they could never understand for what it was. They sent a note of these & such like things afterward to Mr. Sherley by Mr. Winslow; but (I know not how it came to pass) could never have them explained.

Into these deepe sumes had Mr. Allerton rune them in tow years, for in ye later end of ye year 1628. all their debts did not amounte to much above 400li., as was then noted; and now come to so many thousands. And wheras in ye year 1629. Mr. Sherley & Mr. Hatherley being at Bristoll, and write a large letter from thence, in which they had given an account of ye debts, and what sumes were then disbursed, Mr. Allerton never left begging & intreating of them till they had put it out. So they bloted out 2. lines in yt leter in which ye sumes were contained, and write upon it so as not a word could be perceived; as since by them was confessed, and by ye leters may be seene. And thus were they kept hoodwinckte, till now they were so deeply ingaged. And wheras Mr. Sherley did so ernestly press yt Mr. Allerton might be sent over to finish ye great bussines aboute ye patente, as may be seen in his leter write 1629. as is before recorded, and yt they should be ernest wth his wife to suffer him to goe, &c., he hath since confessed by a letter under my hands, that it was Mr. Allerton's owne doings, and not his, and he made him write his words, & not his owne. The patent was but a pretence, and not ye thing. Thus were they abused in their simplicitie, and no beter then bought & sould, as it may seeme.

And to mend ye matter, Mr. Allerton doth in a sorte wholy now deserte them; having brought them into ye briers, he leaves them to gett out as they can. But God crost him mightily, for he having hired ye ship of Mr. Sherly at 30li., a month, he set forth againe with a most wicked and drunken crue, and for covetousnes sake did so over lade her, not only filling her hould, but so stufed her betweene decks, as she was walte, and could not bear sayle, and they had like to have been cast away at sea, and were forced to put for Millford Havene, and new-stow her, & put some of ther ordnance & more heavie goods in ye botome; which lost them time, and made them come late into ye countrie, lose ther season, and made a worse viage then ye year before. But being come into ye countrie, he sells trading comodities to any yt will buy, to ye great prejudice of ye plantation here; but that which is worse, what he could not sell, he trustes; and sets up a company of base felows and maks them traders, to rune into every hole, & into ye river of Kenebeck, to gleane away ye trade from ye house ther, aboute ye patente & priviledge wherof he had dasht away so much money of theirs here; and now what in him lay went aboute to take away ye benefite therof, and to overthrow them. Yea, not only this, but he furnishes a company, and joyns with some consorts, (being now deprived of Ashley at Penobscote,) and sets up a trading house beyoned Penobscote, to cute of ye trade from thence also. But ye French perceiving that that would be greatly to their damage allso, they came in their begining before they were well setled, and displanted them, slue 2. of their men, and tooke all their goods to a good valew, ye loss being most, if not all, Mr. Allerton's; for though some of them should have been his partners, yet he trusted them for their partes; the rest of ye men were sent into France, and this was the end of yt projecte. The rest of those he trusted, being lose and drunken fellows, did for ye most parte but coussen & cheate him of all they got into their hands; that howsoever he did his friends some hurte hereby for ye presente, yet he gate litle good, but wente by ye loss by Gods just hand. After in time, when he came to Plim̅oth, ye church caled him to accounte for these, and other his grosse miscarrages; he confessed his faulte, and promised better walking, and that he would wind him selfe out of these courses as soone as he could, &c.

This year also Mr. Sherley would needs send them over a new-acountante; he had made mention of such a thing ye year before, but they write him word, that their charge was great allready, and they neede not increase it, as this would; but if they were well delte with, and had their goods well sent over, they could keep their accounts hear them selves. Yet he now sente one, which they did not refuse, being a yonger brother of Mr. Winslows, whom they had been at charge to instructe at London before he came. He came over in the White Angell with Mr. Allerton, and ther begane his first imploymente; for though Mr. Sherley had so farr befreinded Mr. Allerton, as to cause Mr. Winslow to ship ye supply sente to ye partners here in this ship, and give him 4li. p̲er tune, wheras others carried for 3. and he made them pay their fraight ready downe, before ye ship wente out of ye harbore, wheras others payed upon certificate of ye goods being delivered, and their fraight came to upward of 6. score pounds, yet they had much adoe to have their goods delivered, for some of them were chainged, as bread & pease; they were forced to take worse for better, neither could they ever gett all. And if Josias Winslow had not been ther, it had been worse; for he had ye invoyce, and order to send them to ye trading houses.

This year their house at Penobscott was robed by ye French, and all their goods of any worth they carried away, to ye value of 400. or 500li. as ye cost first peny worth; in beaver 300li. waight; and ye rest in trading goods, as coats, ruggs, blankett, biskett, &c. It was in this maner. The mr. of ye house, and parte of ye company with him, were come with their vessell to ye westward to fecth a supply of goods which was brought over for them. In ye mean time comes a smale French ship into ye harbore (and amongst ye company was a false Scott); they pretended they were nuly come from ye sea, and knew not wher they were, and that their vesell was very leake, and desired they might hale her a shore and stop their leaks. And many French complements they used, and congees they made; and in ye ende, seeing but 3. or 4. simple men, yt were servants, and by this Scoth-man understanding that ye maister & ye rest of ye company were gone from home, they fell of comending their gunes and muskets, that lay upon racks by ye wall side, and tooke them downe to looke on them, asking if they were charged. And when they were possesst of them, one presents a peece ready charged against ye servants, and another a pistoll; and bid them not sturr, but quietly deliver them their goods, and carries some of ye men aborde, & made ye other help to carry away ye goods. And when they had tooke what they pleased, they sett them at liberty, and wente their way, with this mocke, biding them tell their mr. when he came, that some of ye Ile of Rey gentlemen had been ther.

This year, on Sr Christopher Gardener, being, as him selfe said, descended of yt house yt the Bishop of Winchester came of (who was so great a persecutor of Gods saincts in Queene Maries days), and being a great traveler, received his first honour of knighthood at Jerusalem, being made Knight of ye Sepulcher ther. He came into these parts under pretence of forsaking ye world, and to live a private life, in a godly course, not unwilling to put him selfe upon any meane imployments, and take any paines for his living; and some time offered him selfe to joyne to ye churchs in sundry places. He brought over with him a servante or 2. and a comly yonge woman, whom be caled his cousin, but it was suspected, she (after ye Italian maner) was his concubine. Living at ye Massachusets, for some miscariages which he should have answered, he fled away from authority, and gott amonge ye Indeans of these parts; they sent after him, but could not gett him, and promissed some reward to those yt should find him. The Indeans came to ye Govr here, and tould wher he was, and asked if they might kill him; he tould them no, by no means, but if they could take him and bring him hither, they should be payed for their paines. They said he had a gune & a rapier, & he would kill them if yey went aboute it; and ye Massachuset Indeans said they might kille him. But ye Govr tould them no, they should not kill him, but watch their opportunitie, & take him. And so they did, for when they light of him by a river side, he got into a canowe to get from them, & when they came nere him, whilst he presented his peece at them to keep them of, the streame carried ye canow against a rock, and tumbled both him & his peece & rapier into ye water; yet he got out, and having a litle dagger by his side, they durst not close with him, but getting longe pols they soone beat his dagger out of his hand, so he was glad to yeeld; and they brought him to ye Govr. But his hands and armes were swolen & very sore with ye blowes they had given him. So he used him kindly, & sent him to a lodging wher his armes were bathed and anoynted, and he was quickly well againe, and blamed ye Indeans for beating him so much. They said that they did but a litle whip him with sticks. In his lodging, those yt made his bed found a litle note booke that by accidente had slipt out of his pockett, or some private place, in which was a memoriall what day he was reconciled to ye pope & church of Rome, and in what universitie he tooke his scapula, and such & such degrees. It being brought to ye Govr, he kept it, and sent ye Govr of ye Massachusets word of his taking, who sent for him. So ye Govr sent him and these notes to ye Govr ther, who tooke it very thankfuly; but after he gott for England, he shewed his malice, but God prevented him.

See ye Govr leter on ye other side.

Sr: It hath pleased God to bring Sr. Christopher Gardener safe to us, with thos that came with him. And howsoever I never intended any hard measure to him, but to respecte and use him according to his qualitie, yet I let him know your care of him, and yt he shall speed ye better for your mediation. It was a spetiall providence of God to bring those notes of his to our hands; I desire yt you will please to speake to all yt are privie to them, not to discovere them to any one, for yt may frustrate ye means of any further use to be made of them. The good Lord our God who hath allways ordered things for ye good of his poore churches here, directe us in this arighte, and dispose it to a good issue. I am sorie we put you to so much trouble about this gentleman, espetialy at this time of great imploymente, but I know not how to avoyed it. I must againe intreate you, to let me know what charge & troble any of your people have been at aboute him, yt it may be recompenced. So with the true affection of a frind, desiring all happines to your selfe & yours, and to all my worthy friends with you (whom I love in ye Lord), I comende you to his grace & good providence, & rest

Your most assured friend,

John Winthrop.

Boston, May 5. 1631.

By occation wherof I will take a litle libertie to declare what fell out by this mans means & malice, complying with others. And though I doubt not but it will be more fully done by my honourd friends, whom it did more directly concerne, and have more perticuler knowledg of ye matter, yet I will here give a hinte of ye same, and Gods providence in preventing ye hurte that might have come by ye same. The intelligence I had by a letter from my much hond and beloved friend, Mr. John Winthrop, Govr of ye Massachusets.

Sr: Upon a petition exhibited by Sr. Christo: Gardner, Sr. Ferd: Gorges, Captaine Masson, &c., against you and us, the cause was heard before ye lords of ye Privie Counsell, and after reported to ye king, the sucsess wherof maks it evident to all, that ye Lord hath care of his people hear. The passages are admirable, and too long to write. I hartily wish an opportunitie to imparte them unto you, being māy sheets of paper. But ye conclusion was (against all mens expectation) an order for our incouragmente, and much blame and disgrace upon ye adversaries, wch calls for much thankfullnes from us all, which we purpose (ye Lord willing) to express in a day of thanks-giving to our mercifull God, (I doubt not but you will consider, if it be not fitt for you to joyne in it,) who, as he hath humbled us by his late correction, so he hath lifted us up, by an abundante rejoysing, in our deliverance out of so desperate a danger; so as that wch our enemies builte their hopes upon to ruine us by, He hath mercifully disposed to our great advantage, as I shall further aquainte you, when occasion shall serve.

The coppy of ye order follows.

At ye courte at Whit-hall ye 19. Jan: 1632.

Present

Sigillum Lord Privie Seale
Ea: of Dorsett
Lo: Vi: Falkland
Lo: Bp: of London
Lord Cottinton
Mr. Trer
Mr. Vic Chambr
Mr. Sec: Cooke
Maister Sec: Windebanck

Wheras his Matie hath latly been informed of great distraction and much disorder in yt plantation in ye parts of America called New-England, which, if they be true, & suffered to rune on, would tende to ye great dishonour of this kingdome, and utter ruine of that plantation. For prevention wherof, and for ye orderly settling of goverment, according to ye intention of those patents which have been granted by his Matie and from his late royall father king James, it hath pleased his Matie that ye lords & others of his most honourable Privie Counsell, should take ye same into consideration. Their lordships in ye first place thought fitt to make a comitie of this bord, to take examination of ye matters informed; which comitties having called diverse of ye principall adventurers in yt plantation, and heard those that are complanants against them, most of the things informed being deneyed, and resting to be proved by parties that must be called from yt place, which required a long expence of time; and at presente their lordships finding the adventurers were upon dispatch of men, victles, and marchandice for yt place, all which would be at a stand, if ye adventurers should have discouragmente, or take suspition that the state hear had no good opinion of yt plantation; their lordships, not laying the faulte or fancies (if any be) of some perticuler men upon the generall govermente, or principall adventurers, (which in due time is further to be inquired into,) have thought fitt in ye meane time to declare, that the appearences were so faire, and hopes so greate, yt the countrie would prove both beneficiall to this kingdom, and profitable to the perticuler adventurers, as yt the adventurers had cause to goe on cherfully with their undertakings, and rest assured, if things were carried as was pretended when ye patents were granted, and accordingly as by the patentes it is appointed, his Majestie would not only maintaine the liberties & privileges heretofore granted, but supply any thing further that might tend to the good govermente, prosperitie, and comforte of his people ther of that place, &c.

William Trumball.

Anno Dom: 1632.

Mr. Allerton, returning for England, litle regarded his bound of a 1000li. to performe covenants; for wheras he was bound by ye same to bring ye ship to London, and to pay 30li. per month for her hire, he did neither of boath, for he carried her to Bristoll againe, from whence he intended to sett her out againe, and so did ye 3. time, into these parts (as after will appear); and though she had been 10. months upon ye former viage, at 30li. p̲r month, yet he never payed peney for hire. It should seeme he knew well enough how to deale with Mr. Sherley. And Mr. Sherley, though he would needs tye her & her accounte upon ye generall, yet he would dispose of her as him selfe pleased; for though Mr. Winslow had in their names protested against ye receiving her on yt accounte, or if ever they should hope to preveile in shuch a thing, yet never to suffer Mr. Allerton to have any more to doe in her, yet he ye last year let her wholy unto him, and injoyned them to send all their supplye in her to their prejudice, as is before noted. And now, though he broke his bonds, kepte no covenante, paid no hire, nor was ever like to keep covenants, yet now he goes and sells him all, both ship, & all her accounts, from first to last (and in effecte he might as well have given him ye same); and not only this, but he doth as good as provide a sanctuary for him, for he gives him one years time to prepare his accounte, and then to give up ye same to them here; and then another year for him to make paymente of what should be due upon yt accounte. And in ye mean time writs ernestly to them not to interupte or hinder him from his bussines, or stay him aboute clearing accounts, &c.; so as he in ye mean time gathers up all monies due for fraighte, and any other debtes belonging either to her, or ye Frindship's accounts, as his owne perticuler; and after, sells ship, & ordnans, fish, & what he had raised, in Spaine, according to ye first designe, in effecte; and who had, or what became of ye money, he best knows. In ye mean time their hands were bound, and could doe nothing but looke on, till he had made all away into other mens hands (save a few catle & a litle land & some small maters he had here at Plimoth), and so in ye end removed, as he had allready his person, so all his from hence. This will better appere by Mr. Sherley's leter.

Sr: These few lines are further to give you to understand, that seeing you & we, that never differed yet but aboute ye White-Angell, which somewhat troubleth us, as I perceive it doth you. And now Mr. Allerton beeing here, we have had some confferance with him about her, and find him very willing to give you & us all contente yt possiblie he can, though he burthen him selfe. He is contente to take ye White-Angell wholy on him selfe, notwithstanding he mett with pirates nere ye coast of Ierland, which tooke away his best sayles & other provissions from her; so as verily if we should now sell her, she would yeeld but a small price, besids her ordnance. And to set her forth againe with fresh money we would not, she being now at Bristoll. Wherfore we thought it best, both for you & us, Mr. Allerton being willing to take her, to accepte of his bond of tow thousand pounds, to give you a true & perfecte accounte, and take ye whole charge of ye Whit-Angell wholy to him selfe, from ye first to ye last. The accounte he is to make and perfecte within 12. months from ye date of this letter, and then to pay you at 6. and 6. months after, what soever shall be due unto you and us upon the foote of yt accounte. And verily, notwithstanding all ye disasters he hath had, I am perswaded he hath enough to pay all men here and ther. Only they must have patience till he can gather in what is due to him ther. I doe not write this slightly, but upon some ground of what I have seen (and perhaps you know not of) under ye hands & seals of some, &c. I rest

Your assured friend,

James Sherley.

Des: 6. 1632.

But heres not a word of ye breach of former bonds & covenants, or paimente of ye ships hire; this is passt by as if no such thing had been; besids what bonds or obligments so ever they had of him, ther never came any into ye hands or sight of ye partners here. And for this yt Mr. Sherley seems to intimate (as a secrete) of his abilitie, under ye hands & seals of some, it was but a trick, having gathered up an accounte of what was owing form such base fellows as he had made traders for him, and other debts; and then got Mr. Mahue, & some others, to affirme under their hand & seale, that they had seen shuch accounts yt were due to him.

Mr. Hatherley came over againe this year, but upon his owne occasions, and begane to make preparation to plant & dwell in ye countrie. He with his former dealings had wound in what money he had in ye patnership into his owne hands, and so gave off all partnership (excepte in name), as was found in ye issue of things; neither did he medle, or take any care aboute ye same; only he was troubled about his ingagmente aboute ye Friendship, as will after appeare. And now partly aboute yt accounte, in some reconings betweene Mr. Allerton and him, and some debts yt Mr. Allerton otherwise owed him upon dealing between them in perticuler, he drue up an accounte of above 2000li., and would faine have ingaged ye partners here with it, because Mr. Allerton had been their agent. But they tould him they had been fool'd longe enough with such things, and shewed him yt it no way belonged to them; but tould him he must looke to make good his ingagment for ye Freindship, which caused some trouble betweene Mr. Allerton and him.

Mr. William Peirce did ye like, Mr. Allerton being wound into his debte also upon particuler dealings; as if they had been bound to make good all mens debts. But they easily shooke off these things. But Mr. Allerton herby rane into much trouble & vexation, as well as he had troubled others, for Mr. Denison sued him for ye money he had disbursed for ye 6. part of ye Whit-Angell, & recovered ye same with damages.

Though ye partners were thus plūged into great ingagments, & oppresed with unjust debts, yet ye Lord prospered their trading, that they made yearly large returnes, and had soone wound them selves out of all, if yet they had otherwise been well delt with all; as will more appear here after. Also ye people of ye plantation begane to grow in their owtward estats, by reason of ye flowing of many people into ye cuntrie, espetially into ye Bay of ye Massachusets; by which means corne & catle rose to a great prise, by wch many were much inriched, and com̅odities grue plentifull; and yet in other regards this benefite turned to their hurte, and this accession of strength to their weaknes. For now as their stocks increased, and ye increse vendible, ther was no longer any holding them togeather, but now they must of necessitie goe to their great lots; they could not other wise keep their katle; and having oxen growne, they must have land for plowing & tillage. And no man now thought he could live, except he had catle and a great deale of ground to keep them; all striving to increase their stocks. By which means they were scatered all over ye bay, quickly, and ye towne, in which they lived compactly till now, was left very thine, and in a short time allmost desolate. And if this had been all, it had been less, thoug to much; but ye church must also be devided, and those yt had lived so long togeather in Christian & comfortable fellowship must now part and suffer many divissions. First, those that lived on their lots on ye other side of the bay (called Duxberie) they could not long bring their wives & children to ye publick worship & church meetings here, but with such burthen, as, growing to some competente number, they sued to be dismissed and become a body of them selves; and so they were dismiste (about this time), though very unwillingly. But to touch this sadd matter, and handle things together that fell out afterward. To prevent any further scatering from this place, and weakning of ye same, it was thought best to give out some good farms to spetiall persons, yt would promise to live at Plimoth, and lickly to be helpfull to ye church or comonewelth, and so tye ye lands to Plimoth as farmes for the same; and ther they might keepe their catle & tillage by some servants, and retaine their dwellings here. And so some spetiall lands were granted at a place generall, called Greens Harbor, wher no allotments had been in ye former divission, a plase very weell meadowed, and fitt to keep & rear catle, good store. But alass! this remedy proved worse then ye disease; for wthin a few years those that had thus gott footing ther rente them selves away, partly by force, and partly wearing ye rest with importunitie and pleas of necessitie, so as they must either suffer them to goe, or live in continuall opposition and contention. And others still, as yey conceived them selves straitened, or to want accom̅odation, break away under one pretence or other, thinking their owne conceived necessitie, and the example of others, a warrente sufficente for them. And this, I fear, will be ye ruine of New-England, at least of ye churches of God ther, & will provock ye Lords displeasure against them.

This year, Mr. William Perce came into ye cuntry, & brought goods and passengers, in a ship caled ye Lyon, which belonged cheefly to Mr. Sherley, and ye rest of ye London partners, but these hear had nothing to doe with her. In this ship (besides beaver which they had sent home before) they sent upwards of 800li. in her, and some otter skines; and also ye coppies of Mr. Allertons accounts, desiring that they would also peruse & examene them, and rectifie shuch things as they should find amise in them; and rather because they were better acquaynted with ye goods bought ther, and ye disbursments made, then they could bee here; yea, a great part were done by them selves, though Mr. Allerton brougt in ye accounte, and sundry things seemed to them obscure and had need of clearing. Also they sente a booke of exceptions against his accounts, in such things as they could manifest, and doubted not but they might adde more therunto. And also shewed them how much Mr. Allerton was debtor to ye accounte; and desired, seeing they had now put ye ship White-Angell, and all, wholy into his power, and tyed their hands here, that they could not call him to accounte for any thinge, till ye time was expired which they had given him, and by that time other men would get their debts of him, (as sume had done already by suing him,) and he would make all away here quickly out of their reach; and therfore prayed them to looke to things, and gett paymente of him ther, as it was all ye reason they should, seeing they keept all ye bonds & covenants they made with him in their owne hands; and here they could doe nothing by ye course they had taken, nor had any thing to show if they should goe aboute it. But it pleased God, this ship, being first to goe to Verginia before she wente home, was cast away on yt coast, not farr from Virginia, and their beaver was all lost (which was ye first loss they sustained in that kind); but Mr. Peirce & ye men saved their lives, and also their leters, and gott into Virginia, and so safly home. Ye accounts were now sent from hence againe to them. And thus much of ye passages of this year.

A part of Mr. Peirce his leter from Virginia.

It was dated in Des: 25. 1632. and came to their hand ye 7. of Aprill, before they heard any thing from England.

Dear freinds, &c. Ye bruit of this fatall stroke that ye Lord hath brought both on me and you all will come to your ears before this com̅eth to your hands, (it is like,) and therfore I shall not need to inlarg in perticulers, &c. My whole estate (for ye most parte) is taken away; and so yours, in a great measure, by this and your former losses [he means by ye French & Mr. Allerton]. It is time to looke aboute us, before ye wrath of ye Lord breake forth to utter destruction. The good Lord give us all grace to search our harts and trie our ways, and turne unto ye Lord, and humble our selves under his mightie hand, and seeke atonemente, &c. Dear freinds, you may know yt all your beaver, and ye books of your accounts, are swallowed up in ye sea; your letters remaine with me, and shall be delivered, if God bring me home. But what should I more say? Have we lost our outward estates? yet a hapy loss if our soules may gaine; ther is yet more in ye Lord Jehova than ever we had yet in ye world. Oh that our foolish harts could yet be wained from ye things here below, which are vanity and vexation of spirite; and yet we fooles catch after shadows, yt flye away, & are gone in a momente, &c. Thus with my continuall remembrance of you in my poore desires to ye throne of grace, beseeching God to renew his love & favoure towards you all, in & through ye Lord Jesus Christ, both in spirituall & temporall good things, as may be most to the glory & praise of his name, and your everlasting good. So I rest,

Your afflicted brother in Christ,

William Peirce.

Virginia, Des: 25. 1632.

Anno Dom: 1633.

This year Mr. Ed: Winslow was chosen Governor.

By the first returne this year, they had leters from Mr. Sherley of Mr. Allertons further ill success, and ye loss by Mr. Peirce, with many sadd complaints; but litle hope of any thinge to be gott of Mr. Allerton, or how their accounts might be either eased, or any way rectified by them ther; but now saw plainly yt the burthen of all would be cast on their backs. The spetiall passages of his letters I shall here inserte, as shall be pertinente to these things; for though I am weary of this tedious & uncomfortable subjecte, yet for ye clearing of ye truth I am compelled to be more larg in ye opening of these matters, upon wch so much trouble hath insued, and so many hard censures have passed on both sids. I would not be partiall to either, but deliver ye truth in all, and, as nere as I can, in their owne words and passages, and so leave it to the impartiall judgment of any that shall come to read, or veiw these things. His leters are as folow, dated June 24. 1633.

Loving friends, my last was sente in ye Mary & John, by Mr. William Collier, &c. I then certified you of ye great, & uncomfortable, and unseasonable loss you & we had, in ye loss of Mr. Peirce his ship, ye Lyon; but ye Lords holy name be blessed, who gives & taks as it pleaseth him; his will be done, Amen. I then related unto you yt fearfull accidente, or rather judgmente, ye Lord pleased to lay on London Bridge, by fire, and therin gave you a touch of my great loss; the Lord, I hope, will give me patience to bear it, and faith to trust in him, & not in these slipery and uncertaine things of this world.

I hope Mr. Allerton is nere upon sayle with you by this; but he had many disasters here before he could gett away; yet ye last was a heavie one; his ship, going out of ye harbor at Bristoll, by stormie weather was so farr driven on ye shore, as it cost him above 100li. before shee could be gott off againe. Verily his case was so lamentable as I could not but afford him some help therin (and so did some were strangers to him); besids, your goods were in her, and if he had not been supported, he must have broke off his viage, and so loss could not have been avoyded on all sides. When he first bought her, I thinke he had made a saving match, if he had then sunck her, and never set her forth. I hope he sees ye Lords hand against him, and will leave of these viages. I thinke we did well in parting with her; she would have been but a clogge to ye accounte from time to time, and now though we shall not gett much by way of satisfaction, yet we shall lose no more. And now, as before I have writte, I pray you finish all ye accounts and reconings with him there; for here he hath nothing, but many debtes that he stands ingaged to many men for. Besids, here is not a man yt will spend a day, or scarce an hower, aboute ye accounts but my selfe, and yt bussines will require more time and help then I can afford. I shall not need to say any more; I hope you will doe yt which shall be best & just, to which adde mercie, and consider his intente, though he failed in many perticulers, which now cannot be helped, &c.

To morrow, or next day at furthest, we are to pay 300li. and Mr. Beachamp is out of ye towne, yet ye bussines I must doe. Oh the greefe & trouble yt man, Mr. Allerton, hath brought upon you and us! I cannot forgett it, and to thinke on it draws many a sigh from my harte, and teares from my eyes. And now ye Lord hath visited me with an other great loss, yet I can undergoe it with more patience. But this I have follishly pulled upon my selfe, &c. [And in another, he hath this passage:] By Mr. Allertons faire propositions and large promises, I have over rune my selfe; verily, at this time greefe hinders me to write, and tears will not suffer me to see; wherfore, as you love those that ever loved you, and yt plantation, thinke upon us. Oh what shall I say of that man, who hath abused your trust and wronged our loves! but now to complaine is too late, nither can I complaine of your backwardnes, for I am perswaded it lys as heavie on your harts, as it doth on our purses or credites. And had ye Lord sent Mr. Peirce safe home, we had eased both you and us of some of those debts; the Lord I hope will give us patience to bear these crosses; and that great God, whose care & providence is every where, and spetially over all those that desire truly to fear and serve him, direct, guid, prosper, & blesse you so, as yt you may be able (as I perswade my selfe you are willing) to discharge & take off this great & heavie burthen which now lyes upon me for your saks; and I hope in ye ende for ye good of you, and many thousands more; for had not you & we joyned & continued togeather, New-England might yet have been scarce knowne, I am perswaded, not so replenished & inhabited with honest English people, as it now is. The Lord increase & blesse them, &c. So, with my continuall praiers for you all, I rest

Your assured loving friend,

James Sherley.

June 24. 1633.

By this it apperes when Mr. Sherly sould him ye ship & all her accounts, it was more for Mr. Allertons advantage then theirs; and if they could get any there, well & good, for they were like to have nothing here. And what course was held to hinder them there, hath allready beene manifested. And though Mr. Sherley became more sinsible of his owne condition, by these losses, and therby more sadly & plainly to complaine of Mr. Allerton, yet no course was taken to help them here, but all left unto them selves; not so much as to examene & rectifie ye accounts, by which (it is like) some hundereds of pounds might have been taken off. But very probable it is, the more they saw was taken off, ye less might come unto them selves. But I leave these maters, & come to other things.

Mr. Roger Williams (a man godly & zealous, having many precious parts, but very unsettled in judgmente) came over first to ye Massachusets, but upon some discontente left yt place, and came hither, (wher he was friēdly entertained, according to their poore abilitie,) and exercised his gifts amongst them, & after some time was admitted a member of ye church; and his teaching well approoved, for ye benefite wherof I still blese God, and am thankfull to him, even for his sharpest admonitions & reproufs, so farr as they agreed with truth. He this year begane to fall into some strang oppiīons, and from opinion to practise; which caused some controversie betweene ye church & him, and in ye end some discontente on his parte, by occasion wherof he left them some thing abruptly. Yet after wards sued for his dismission to ye church of Salem, which was granted, with some caution to them concerning him, and what care they ought to have of him. But he soone fell into more things ther, both to their and ye governments troble and disturbance. I shall not need to name perticulers, they are too well knowen now to all, though for a time ye church here wente under some hard censure by his occasion, from some that afterwards smarted them selves. But he is to be pitied, and prayed for, and so I shall leave ye matter, and desire ye Lord to shew him his errors, and reduse him into ye way of truth, and give him a setled judgment and constancie in ye same; for I hope he belongs to ye Lord, and yt he will shew him mercie.

Having had formerly converse and famliarity with ye Dutch, (as is before remembred,) they, seeing them seated here in a barren quarter, tould them of a river called by them ye Fresh River, but now is known by ye name of Conightecute-River, which they often com̅ended unto them for a fine place both for plantation and trade, and wished them to make use of it. But their hands being full otherwise, they let it pass. But afterwards ther coming a company of banishte Indeans into these parts, that were drivene out from thence by the potencie of ye Pequents, which usurped upon them, and drive them from thence, they often sollisited them to goe thither, and they should have much trad, espetially if they would keep a house ther. And having now good store of comodities, and allso need to looke out wher they could advantage them selves to help them out of their great ingagments, they now begane to send that way to discover ye same, and trade with ye natives. They found it to be a fine place, but had no great store of trade; but ye Indeans excused ye same in regard of ye season, and the fear ye Indans were in of their enemise. So they tried diverce times, not with out profite, but saw ye most certainty would be by keeping a house ther, to receive ye trad when it came down out of ye inland. These Indeans, not seeing them very forward to build ther, solisited them of ye Massachusets in like sorte (for their end was to be restored to their countrie againe); but they in ye Bay being but latly come, were not fitte for ye same; but some of their cheefe made a motion to joyne wth the partners here, to trad joyntly with them in yt river, the which they were willing to imbrace, and so they should have builte, and put in equall stock togeather. A time of meeting was appointed at ye Massachusets, and some of ye cheefe here was appointed to treat with them, and went accordingly; but they cast many fears of deanger & loss and the like, which was perceived to be the maine obstacles, though they alledged they were not provided of trading goods. But those hear offered at presente to put in sufficiente for both, provided they would become ingaged for ye halfe, and prepare against ye nexte year. They conffessed more could not be offered, but thanked them, and tould them they had no mind to it. They then answered, they hoped it would be no offence unto them, if them sellves wente on without them, if they saw it meete. They said ther was no reason they should; and thus this treaty broake of, and those here tooke conveniente time to made a begining ther; and were ye first English that both discovered that place, and built in ye same, though they were litle better then thrust out of it afterward as may appeare.

But ye Dutch begane now to repente, and hearing of their purpose & preparation, indēoured to prevente them, and gott in a litle before them, and made a slight forte, and planted 2. peeces of ordnance, thretening to stopp their passage. But they having made a smale frame of a house ready, and haveing a great new-barke, they stowed their frame in her hold, & bords to cover & finishe it, having nayles & all other provisions fitting for their use. This they did ye rather that they might have a presente defence against ye Indeans, who weare much offended that they brought home & restored ye right Sachem of ye place (called Natawanute); so as they were to incounter with a duble danger in this attempte, both ye Dutch and ye Indeans. When they came up ye river, the Dutch demanded what they intended, and whither they would goe; they answered, up ye river to trade (now their order was to goe and seat above them). They bid them strike, & stay, or els they would shoote them; & stood by ther ordnance ready fitted. They answered they had com̅ission from ye Govr of Plimoth to goe up ye river to such a place, and if they did shoote, they must obey their order and proceede; they would not molest them, but would goe one. So they passed along, and though the Dutch threatened them hard, yet they shoot not. Com̅ing to their place, they clapt up their house quickly, and landed their provissions, and left ye companie appoynted, and sent the barke home; and afterwards palisadoed their house aboute, and fortified them selves better. The Dutch sent word home to ye Monhatas what was done: and in proces of time, they sent a band of aboute 70. men, in warrlike maner, with collours displayed, to assaulte them; but seeing them strengtened, & that it would cost blood, they came to parley, and returned in peace. And this was their enterance ther, who deserved to have held it, and not by freinds to have been thrust out, as in a sorte they were, as will after appere. They did ye Dutch no wrong, for they took not a foote of any land they bought, but went to ye place above them, and bought that tracte of land which belonged to these Indeans which they carried with them, and their friends, with whom ye Dutch had nothing to doe. But of these matters more in another place.

It pleased ye Lord to visite them this year with an infectious fevoure, of which many fell very sicke, and upward of 20. persons dyed, men and women, besids children, and sundry of them of their anciente friends which had lived in Holand; as Thomas Blossome, Richard Masterson, with sundry others, and in ye end (after he had much helped others) Samuell Fuller, who was their surgeon & phisition, and had been a great help and comforte unto them; as in his facultie, so otherwise, being a deacon of ye church, a man godly, and forward to doe good, being much missed after his death; and he and ye rest of their brethren much lamented by them, and caused much sadnes & mourning amongst them; which caused them to humble them selves, & seeke ye Lord; and towards winter it pleased the Lord ye sicknes ceased. This disease allso swept away many of ye Indeans from all ye places near adjoyning; and ye spring before, espetially all ye month of May, ther was such a quantitie of a great sorte of flies, like (for bignes) to wasps, or bumble-bees, which came out of holes in ye ground, and replenished all ye woods, and eate ye green-things, and made such a constante yelling noyes, as made all ye woods ring of them, and ready to deafe ye hearers. They have not by ye English been heard or seen before or since. But ye Indeans tould them yt sicknes would follow, and so it did in June, July, August, and ye cheefe heat of som̅er.

It pleased ye Lord to inable them this year to send home a great quantity of beaver, besids paing all their charges, & debts at home, which good returne did much incourage their freinds in England. They sent in beaver 3366li. waight, and much of it coat beaver, which yeeled 20s. p̲r pound, & some of it above; and of otter-skines 346. sould also at a good prise. And thus much of ye affairs of this year.

Anno Dom: 1634.

This year Mr. Thomas Prence was chosen Govr.

Mr. Sherleys letters were very breefe in answer of theirs this year. I will forbear to coppy any part therof, only name a head or 2. therm. First, he desirs they will take nothing ill in what he formerly write, professing his good affection towards them as before, &c. 2ly. For Mr. Allertons accounts, he is perswaded they must suffer, and yt in no small sum̅es; and that they have cause enough to complaine, but it was now too late. And that he had failed them ther, those here, and him selfe in his owne aimes. And that now, having thus left them here, he feared God had or would leave him, and it would not be strang, but a wonder if he fell not into worse things, &c. 3ly. He blesseth God and is thankfull to them for ye good returne made this year. This is ye effecte of his letters, other things being of more private nature.

I am now to enter upon one of ye sadest things that befell them since they came; but before I begine, it will be needfull to premise such parte of their patente as gives them right and priviledge at Kenebeck; as followeth:

The said Counsell hath further given, granted, barganed, sold, infeoffed, alloted, assigned, & sett over, and by these presents doe clearly and absolutly give, grante, bargane, sell, alliene, enffeofe, allote, assigne, and confirme unto ye said William Bradford, his heires, associates, and assignes, All that tracte of land or part of New-England in America afforesaid, which lyeth within or betweene, and extendeth it selfe from ye utmost limits of Cobiseconte, which adjoyneth to ye river of Kenebeck, towards the westerne ocean, and a place called ye falls of Nequamkick in America, aforsaid; and ye space of 15. English myles on each side of ye said river, commonly called Kenebeck River, and all ye said river called Kenebeck that lyeth within the said limits & bounds, eastward, westward, northward, & southward, last above mentioned; and all lands, grounds, soyles, rivers, waters, fishing, &c. And by vertue of ye authority to us derived by his said late Matis Lrēs patents, to take, apprehend, seise, and make prise of all such persons, their ships and goods, as shall attempte to inhabite or trade with ye savage people of that countrie within ye severall precincts and limits of his & their severall plantations, &c.

Now it so fell out, that one Hocking, belonging to ye plantation of Pascataway, wente with a barke and com̅odities to trade in that river, and would needs press into their limites; and not only so, but would needs goe up ye river above their house, (towards ye falls of ye river,) and intercept the trade that should come to them. He that was cheefe of ye place forbad them, and prayed him that he would not offer them that injurie, nor goe aboute to infring their liberties, which had cost them so dear. But he answered he would goe up and trade ther in dispite of them, and lye ther as longe as he pleased. The other tould him he must then be forced to remove him from thence, or make seasure of him if he could. He bid him doe his worste, and so wente up, and anchored ther. The other tooke a boat & some men & went up to him, when he saw his time, and againe entreated him to departe by what perswasion he could. But all in vaine: he could gett nothing of him but ill words. So he considred that now was ye season for trade to come downe, and if he should suffer him to lye, & take it from them, all ther former charge would be lost, and they had better throw up all. So, consulting with his men, (who were willing thertoe,) he resolved to put him from his anchores, and let him drive downe ye river with ye streame; but com̅anded ye men yt none should shoote a shote upon any occasion, except he com̅anded them. He spoake to him againe, but all in vaine; then he sente a cuple in a canow to cutt his cable, the which one of them performes; but Hocking taks up a pece which he had layed ready, and as ye barke shered by ye canow, he shote him close under her side, in ye head, (as I take it,) so he fell downe dead instantly. One of his fellows (that loved him well) could not hold, but with a muskett shot Hocking, who fell downe dead and never speake word. This was ye truth of ye thing. The rest of ye men carried home the vessell and ye sad tidings of these things. Now ye Lord Saye & ye Lord Brooks, with some other great persons, had a hand in this plantation; they write home to them, as much as they could to exasperate them in ye matter, leaveing out all ye circomstances, as if he had been kild without any offenc of his parte, conceling yt he had kild another first, and ye just occasion that he had given in offering such wrong; at wch their Lordsps were much offended, till they were truly informed of ye mater.

The bruite of this was quickly carried all aboute, (and yt in ye worst maner,) and came into ye Bay to their neighbours their. Their owne barke com̅ing home, and bringing a true relation of ye matter, sundry were sadly affected with ye thing, as they had cause. It was not long before they had occasion to send their vessell into ye Bay of ye Massachusetts; but they were so prepossest with this matter, and affected with ye same, as they com̅ited Mr. Alden to prison, who was in ye bark, and had been at Kenebeck, but was no actore in ye bussines, but wente to carie them supply. They dismist ye barke aboute her bussines, but kept him for some time. This was thought strang here, and they sente Capten Standish to give them true information, (togeather with their letters,) and ye best satisfaction they could, and to procure Mr. Alden's release. I shall recite a letter or 2. which will show the passages of these things, as folloeth.

Good Sr:

I have received your lrēs by Captaine Standish, & am unfainedly glad of Gods mercie towards you in ye recovery of your health, or some way thertoo. For ye bussines you write of, I thought meete to answer a word or 2. to your selfe, leaving the answer of your Govor lre to our courte, to whom ye same, together with my selfe is directed. I conceive (till I hear new matter to ye contrary) that your patente may warrente your resistance of any English from trading at Kenebeck, and yt blood of Hocking, and ye partie he slue, will be required at his hands. Yet doe I with your selfe & others sorrow for their deaths. I thinke likewise yt your generall lrēs will satisfie our courte, and make them cease from any further inter medling in ye mater. I have upon ye same lre sett Mr. Alden at liberty, and his sureties, and yet, least I should seeme to neglecte ye opinion of our court & ye frequente speeches of others with us, I have bound Captaine Standish to appeare ye 3. of June at our nexte courte, to make affidavid for ye coppie of ye patente, and to manifest the circumstances of Hockins provocations; both which will tend to ye clearing of your inocencie. If any unkindnes hath ben taken from what we have done, let it be further & better considred of, I pray you; and I hope ye more you thinke of it, the lesse blame you will impute to us. At least you ought to be just in differencing them, whose opinions concurr with your owne, from others who were opposites; and yet I may truly say, I have spoken wth no man in ye bussines who taxed you most, but they are such as have many wayes heretofore declared ther good affections towards your plantation. I further referr my selfe to ye reporte of Captaine Standish & Mr. Allden; leaving you for this presente to Gods blessing, wishing unto you perfecte recovery of health, and ye long continuance of it. I desire to be lovingly remembred to Mr. Prence, your Governor, Mr. Winslow, Mr. Brewster, whom I would see if I knew how. The Lord keepe you all. Amen.

Your very loving friend in our Lord Jesus,

Tho: Dudley.

New-towne, ye 22. of May, 1631.

Another of his about these things as followeth.

Sr: I am right sorrie for ye news that Captaine Standish & other of your neigbours and my beloved freinds will bring now to Plimoth, wherin I suffer with you, by reason of my opinion, which differeth from others, who are godly & wise, amongst us here, the reverence of whose judgments causeth me to suspecte myne owne ignorance; yet must I remaine in it untill I be convinced therof. I thought not to have shewed your letter written to me, but to have done my best to have reconciled differences in ye best season & maner I could; but Captaine Standish requiring an answer therof publickly in ye courte, I was forced to produce it, and that made ye breach soe wide as he can tell you. I propounded to ye courte, to answer Mr. Prences lre, your Govr, but our courte said it required no answer, it selfe being an answer to a former lre of ours. I pray you certifie Mr. Prence so much, and others whom it concer̃eth, that no neglecte or ill man̅ers be imputed to me theraboute. The late lres I received from England wrought in me divere fears of some trials which are shortly like to fall upon us; and this unhappie contention betweene you and us, and between you & Pascattaway, will hasten them, if God with an extraordinarie hand doe not help us. To reconcile this for ye presente will be very difficulte, but time cooleth distempers, and a comone danger to us boath approaching, will necessitate our uniting againe. I pray you therfore, Sr. set your wisdom & patience a worke, and exhorte others to ye same, that things may not proceede from bad to worse, so making our contentions like ye barrs of a pallace, but that a way of peace may be kepte open, wherat ye God of peace may have enterance in his owne time. If you suffer wrong, it shall be your honor to bear it patiently; but I goe to farr in needles putting you in mind of these things. God hath done great things for you, and I desire his blessings may be multiplied upon you more & more. I will commite no more to writing, but comending my selfe to your prayers, doe rest,

Your very loving friend in our Lord Jesus,

Tho: Dudley.

June 4. 1634.

By these things it appars what troubls rise herupon, and how hard they were to be reconciled; for though they hear were hartily sorrie for what was fallen out, yet they conceived they were unjustly injuried, and provoked to what was done; and that their neigbours (haveing no jurisdiction over them) did more then was mete, thus to imprison one of theirs, and bind them to their courte. But yet being assured of their Christian love, and perswaded what was done was out of godly zeale, that religion might not suffer, nor sinne any way covered or borne with, espetially ye guilte of blood, of which all should be very consciencious in any whom soever, they did indeavore to appease & satisfie them ye best they could; first, by informing them ye truth in all circomstances aboute ye matter; 2ly, in being willing to referr ye case to any indifferante and equall hearing and judgmente of the thing hear, and to answere it els wher when they should be duly called therunto; and further they craved Mr. Winthrops, & other of ye reved magistrats ther, their advice & direction herein. This did mollifie their minds, and bring things to a good & comfortable issue in ye end.

For they had this advice given them by Mr. Winthrop, & others concurring with him, that from their courte, they should write to the neigboure plantations, & espetially that of ye lords, at Pascataway, and theirs of ye Massachusets, to appointe some to give them meeting at some fitt place, to consulte & determine in this matter, so as ye parties meeting might have full power to order & bind, &c. And that nothing be done to ye infringing or prejudice of ye liberties of any place. And for ye clearing of conscience, ye law of God is, yt ye preist lips must be consulted with, and therfore it was desired that ye ministers of every plantation might be presente to give their advice in pointe of conscience. Though this course seemed dangerous to some, yet they were so well assured of ye justice of their cause, and ye equitie of their freinds, as they put them selves upon it, & appointed a time, of which they gave notice to ye severall places a month before hand; viz. Massachusets, Salem, & Pascataway, or any other yt they would give notice too, and disired them to produce any evidence they could in ye case. The place for meeting was at Boston. But when ye day & time came, none apered, but some of ye magistrats and ministers of ye Massachusets, and their owne. Seeing none of Passcataway or other places came, (haveing been thus desired, & conveniente time given them for yt end,) Mr. Winthrop & ye rest said they could doe no more then they had done thus to requeste them, ye blame must rest on them. So they fell into a fair debating of things them selves; and after all things had been fully opened & discussed, and ye opinione of each one demanded, both magistrats, and ministers, though they all could have wished these things had never been, yet they could not but lay ye blame & guilt on Hockins owne head; and withall gave them such grave & godly exhortations and advice, as they thought meete, both for ye presente & future; which they allso imbraced with love & thankfullnes, promising to indeavor to follow ye same. And thus was this matter ended, and ther love and concord renewed; and also Mr. Winthrop & Mr. Dudley write in their behalfes to ye Lord Ssay & other gentl-men that were interesed in yt plantation, very effectually, wth which, togeather with their owne leters, and Mr. Winslows furder declaration of things unto them, they rested well satisfied.

Mr. Winslow was sente by them this year into England, partly to informe and satisfie ye Lord Say & others, in ye former matter, as also to make answer and their just defence for ye same, if any thing should by any be prosecuted against them at Counsell-table, or els wher; but this matter tooke end, without any further trouble, as is before noted. And partly to signifie unto ye partners in England, that the terme of their trade with ye company here was out, and therfore he was sente to finishe ye accounts with them, and to bring them notice how much debtore they should remaine on yt accounte, and that they might know what further course would be best to hold. But ye issue of these things will appear in ye next years passages. They now sente over by him a great returne, which was very acceptable unto them; which was in beaver 3738li. waight, (a great part of it, being coat-beaver, sould at 20s. pr pound,) and 234. otter skines; which alltogeather rise to a great sume of money.

This year (in ye foreparte of ye same) they sente forth a barke to trad at ye Dutch-Plantation; and they mette ther with on Captaine Stone, that had lived in Christophers, one of ye West-Ende Ilands, and now had been some time in Virginia, and came from thence into these parts. He kept company with ye Dutch Gover, and, I know not in what drunken fitt, he gott leave of ye Govr to ceaise on their barke, when they were ready to come away, and had done their markett, haveing ye valew of 500li. worth of goods abord her; having no occasion at all, or any collour of ground for such a thing, but having made ye Govr drunck, so as he could scarce speake a right word; and when he urged him hear aboute, he answered him, Als 't u beleeft. So he gat abord, (the cheefe of their men & marchant being ashore,) and with some of his owne men, made ye rest of theirs waigh anchor, sett sayle, & carry her away towards Virginia. But diverse of ye Dutch sea-men, which had bene often at Plimoth, and kindly entertayned ther, said one to another, Shall we suffer our freinds to be thus abused, and have their goods carried away, before our faces, whilst our Govr is drunke? They vowed they would never suffer it; and so gott a vessell or 2. and pursued him, & brought him in againe, and delivered them their barke & goods againe.

After wards Stone came into ye Massachusets, and they sent & commensed suite against him for this facte; but by mediation of freinds it was taken up, and ye suite lett fall. And in ye company of some other gentle-men Stone came afterwards to Plimoth, and had freindly & civill entertainmente amongst them, with ye rest; but revenge boyled within his brest, (though concelled,) for some conceived he had a purpose (at one time) to have staped the Govr, and put his hand to his dagger for that end, but by Gods providence and ye vigilance of some was prevented. He afterward returned to Virginia, in a pinass, with one Captaine Norton & some others; and, I know not for what occasion, they would needs goe up Coonigtecutt River; and how they carried themselves I know not, but ye Indeans knoct him in ye head, as he lay in his cabine, and had thrown ye covering over his face (whether out of fear or desperation is uncertaine); this was his end. They likewise killed all ye rest, but Captaine Norton defended him selfe a long time against them all in ye cooke-roome, till by accidente the gunpowder tooke fire, which (for readynes) he had sett in an open thing before him, which did so burne, & scald him, & blind his eyes, as he could make no longer resistance, but was slaine also by them, though they much comended his vallour. And having killed ye men, they made a pray of what they had, and chafered away some of their things to ye Dutch that lived their. But it was not longe before a quarell fell betweene the Dutch & them, and they would have cutt of their bark; but they slue ye cheef sachem wth ye shott of a murderer.

I am now to relate some strang and remarkable passages. Ther was a company of people lived in ye country, up above in ye river of Conigtecut, a great way from their trading house ther, and were enimise to those Indeans which lived aboute them, and of whom they stood in some fear (bing a stout people). About a thousand of them had inclosed them selves in a forte, which they had strongly palissadoed about. 3. or 4. Dutch men went up in ye begining of winter to live with them, to gett their trade, and prevente them for bringing it to ye English, or to fall into amitie with them; but at spring to bring all downe to their place. But their enterprise failed, for it pleased God to visite these Indeans with a great sicknes, and such a mortalitie that of a 1000. above 900. and a halfe of them dyed, and many of them did rott above ground for want of buriall, and ye Dutch men allmost starved before they could gett away, for ise and snow. But about Feb: they got with much difficultie to their trading house; whom they kindly releeved, being allmost spente with hunger and could. Being thus refreshed by them diverce days, they got to their owne place, and ye Dutch were very thankfull for this kindnes.

This spring, also, those Indeans that lived aboute their trading house there fell sick of ye small poxe, and dyed most miserably; for a sorer disease cannot befall them; they fear it more then ye plague; for usualy they that have this disease have them in abundance, and for wante of bedding & lin̅ing and other helps, they fall into a lamentable condition, as they lye on their hard matts, ye poxe breaking and mattering, and runing one into another, their skin cleaving (by reason therof) to the matts they lye on; when they turne them, a whole side will flea of at once, (as it were,) and they will be all of a gore blood, most fearfull to behold; and then being very sore, what with could and other distempers, they dye like rotten sheep. The condition of this people was so lamentable, and they fell downe so generally of this diseas, as they were (in ye end) not able to help on another; no, not to make a fire, nor to fetch a litle water to drinke, nor any to burie ye dead; but would strivie as long as they could, and when they could procure no other means to make fire, they would burne ye woden trayes & dishes they ate their meate in, and their very bowes & arrowes; & some would crawle out on all foure to gett a litle water, and some times dye by ye way, & not be able to gett in againe. But those of ye English house, (though at first they were afraid of ye infection,) yet seeing their woefull and sadd condition, and hearing their pitifull cries and lamentations, they had compastion of them, and dayly fetched them wood & water, and made them fires, gott them victualls whilst they lived, and buried them when they dyed. For very few of them escaped, notwithstanding they did what they could for them, to ye haszard of them selvs. The cheefe Sachem him selfe now dyed, & allmost all his freinds & kinred. But by ye marvelous goodnes & providens of God not one of ye English was so much as sicke, or in ye least measure tainted with this disease, though they dayly did these offices for them for many weeks togeather. And this mercie which they shewed them was kindly taken, and thankfully acknowledged of all ye Indeans that knew or heard of ye same; and their mrs here did much comend & reward them for ye same.

Anno Dom: 1635.

Mr. Winslow was very wellcome to them in England, and ye more in regard of ye large returne he brought with him, which came all safe to their hands, and was well sould. And he was borne in hand, (at least he so apprehended,) that all accounts should be cleared before his returne, and all former differences ther aboute well setled. And so he writ over to them hear, that he hoped to cleare ye accounts, and bring them over with him; and yt the accounte of ye White Angele would be taken of, and all things fairly ended. But it came to pass that, being occasioned to answer some complaints made against the countrie at Counsell bord, more cheefly concerning their neigbours in ye Bay then them selves hear, the which he did to good effecte, and further prosecuting such things as might tend to ye good of ye whole, as well them selves as others, aboute ye wrongs and incroachments that the French & other strangers both had and were like further to doe unto them, if not prevented, he prefered this petition following to their Honrs that were deputed Comissioners for ye Plantations.

To ye right honorable ye Lords Comissioners for ye Plantations in America.

The humble petition of Edw: Winslow, on ye behalfe of ye plantations in New-England,

Humbly sheweth unto your Lordships, yt wheras your petitioners have planted them selves in New England under his Matis most gratious protection; now so it is, right Honbl, that ye French & Dutch doe indeaouer to devide ye land betweene them; for which purpose ye French have, on ye east side, entered and seased upon one of our houses, and carried away the goods, slew 2. of ye men in another place, and tooke ye rest prisoners with their goods. And ye Dutch, on ye west, have also made entrie upon Conigtecute River, within ye limits of his Majts [-l]rs patent, where they have raised a forte, and threaten to expell your petitioners thence, who are also planted upon ye same river, maintaining possession for his Matie to their great charge, & hazard both of lives & goods.

In tender consideration hereof your petitioners humbly pray that your Lopps will either procure their peace wth those foraine states, or else to give spetiall warrante unto your petitioners and ye English Collonies, to right and defend them selves against all foraigne enimies. And your petitioners shall pray, &c.

This petition found good acceptation with most of them, and Mr. Winslow was heard sundry times by them, and appointed further to attend for an answer from their Lopps, espetially, having upon conferance with them laid downe a way how this might be doone without any either charge or trouble to ye state; only by furnishing some of ye cheefe of ye cuntry hear with authoritie, who would undertake it at their owne charge, and in such a way as should be without any publick disturbance. But this crossed both Sr Ferdinandos Gorges' & Cap: Masons designe, and ye arch-bishop of Counterberies by them; for Sr Ferd: Gorges (by ye arch-pps favore) was to have been sent over generall Govr into ye countrie, and to have had means from ye state for yt end, and was now upon dispatch and conclude of ye bussines. And ye arch-bishops purposs & intente was, by his means, & some he should send with him, (to be furnished with Episcopall power,) to disturbe ye peace of ye churches here, and to overthrow their proceedings and further growth, which was ye thing he aimed at. But it so fell out (by Gods providence) that though he in ye end crost this petition from taking any further effecte in this kind, yet by this as a cheefe means the plotte and whole bussines of his & Sr Ferdinandos fell to ye ground, and came to nothing. When Mr. Winslow should have had his suit granted, (as indeed upon ye pointe it was,) and should have been confirmed, the arch-bishop put a stop upon it, and Mr. Winslow, thinking to gett it freed, went to ye bord againe; but ye bishop, Sr Ferd: and Captine Masson, had, as it seemes, procured Morton (of whom mention is made before, & his base carriage) to complaine; to whose complaints Mr. Winslow made answer to ye good satisfaction of ye borde, who checked Morton and rebuked him sharply, & allso blamed Sr Ferd Gorges, & Masson, for countenancing him. But ye bish: had a further end & use of his presence, for he now begane to question Mr. Winslow of many things; as of teaching in ye church publickly, of which Morton accused him, and gave evidence that he had seen and heard him doe it; to which Mr. Winslow answered, that some time (wanting a minster) he did exercise his gifte to help ye edification of his breethren, when they wanted better means, wch was not often. Then aboute mariage, the which he also confessed, that, haveing been called to place of magistracie, he had sometimes maried some. And further tould their lordps yt mariage was a civille thinge, & he found no wher in ye word of God yt it was tyed to ministrie. Again, they were necessitated so to doe, having for a long time togeather at first no minister; besids, it was no new-thing, for he had been so maried him selfe in Holand, by ye magistrats in their Statt-house. But in ye end (to be short), for these things, ye bishop, by vemente importunity, gott ye bord at last to consente to his comittemente; so he was comited to ye Fleete, and lay ther 17. weeks, or ther aboute, before he could gett to be released. And this was ye end of this petition, and this bussines; only ye others designe was also frustrated hereby, with other things concurring, which was no smalle blessing to ye people here.

But ye charge fell heavie on them hear, not only in Mr. Winslows expences, (which could not be smale,) but by ye hinderance of their bussines both ther and hear, by his personall imploymente. For though this was as much or more for others then for them hear, and by them cheefly he was put on this bussines, (for the plantation kēwe nothing of it till they heard of his imprisonmente,) yet ye whole charge lay on them.

Now for their owne bussines; whatsoever Mr. Sherleys mind was before, (or Mr. Winslow apprehension of ye same,) he now declared him selfe plainly, that he would neither take of ye White-Angell from ye accounte, nor give any further accounte, till he had received more into his hands; only a prety good supply of goods were sent over, but of ye most, no note of their prises, or so orderly an invoyce as formerly; which Mr. Winslow said he could not help, because of his restrainte. Only now Mr. Sherley & Mr. Beachamp & Mr. Andrews sent over a letter of atturney under their hands & seals, to recovere what they could of Mr. Allerton for ye Angells accounte; but sent them neither ye bonds, nor covenants, or such other evidence or accounts, as they had aboute these matters. I shall here inserte a few passages out of Mr. Sherleys letters aboute these things.

Your leter of ye 22. of July, 1634, by your trustie and our loving friend Mr. Winslow, I have received, and your larg parcell of beaver and otter skines. Blessed be our God, both he and it came safly to us, and we have sould it in tow parcells; ye skin at 14s. li. & some at 16.; ye coate at 20s. ye pound. The accounts I have not sent you them this year, I will referr you to Mr. Winslow to tell you ye reason of it; yet be assured yt none of you shall suffer by ye not having of them, if God spare me life. And wheras you say ye 6. years are expired yt ye peopl put ye trad into your & our hands for, for ye discharge of yt great debte wch Mr. Allerton needlesly & unadvisedly ran you & us into; yet it was promised it should continue till our disbursments & ingagements were satisfied. You conceive it is done; we feele & know other wise, &c. I doubt not but we shall lovingly agree, notwithstanding all yt hath been writen, on boath sids, aboute ye Whit-Angell. We have now sent you a letter of atturney, therby giving you power in our names (and to shadow it ye more we say for our uses) to obtaine what may be of Mr. Allerton towards ye satisfing of that great charge of ye White Angell. And sure he hath bound him selfe, (though at present I cannot find it,) but he hath often affirmed, with great protestations, yt neither you nor we should lose a peny by him, and I hope you shall find enough to discharg it, so as we shall have no more contesting aboute it. Yet, notwithstanding his unnaturall & unkind dealing with you, in ye midest of justice remember mercie, and doe not all you may doe, &c. Set us out of debte, and then let us recone & reason togeither, &c. Mr. Winslow hath undergone an unkind imprisonment, but I am perswaded it will turne much to all your good. I leave him to relate perticuleres, &c.

Your loving freind,

James Sherley.

London, Sep: 7. 1635.

This year they sustained an other great loss from ye French. Monsier de Aulnay coming into ye harbore of Penobscote, and having before gott some of ye cheefe yt belonged to ye house abord his vessell, by sutlty coming upon them in their shalop, he gott them to pilote him in; and after getting ye rest into his power, he tooke possession of ye house in ye name of ye king of France; and partly by threatening, & other wise, made Mr. Willett (their agente ther) to approve of ye sale of ye goods their unto him, of which he sett ye price him selfe in effecte, and made an inventory therof, (yett leaving out sundry things,) but made no paymente for them; but tould them in convenient time he would doe it if they came for it. For ye house & fortification, &c. he would not alow, nor accounte any thing, saing that they which build on another mans ground doe forfite ye same. So thus turning them out of all, (with a great deale of complemente, and many fine words,) he let them have their shalop and some victualls to bring them home. Coming home and relating all the passages, they here were much troubled at it, & haveing had this house robbed by ye French once before, and lost then above 500li. (as is before remembred), and now to loose house & all, did much move them. So as they resolved to consulte with their freinds in ye Bay, and if yey approved of it, (ther being now many ships ther,) they intended to hire a ship of force, and seeke to beat out ye Frenche, and recover it againe. Ther course was well approved on, if them selves could bear ye charge; so they hired a fair ship of above 300. tune, well fitted with ordnance, and agreed with ye mr. (one Girling) to this effect: that he and his company should deliver them ye house, (after they had driven out, or surprised ye French,) and give them peacable possession therof, and of all such trading comodities as should ther be found; and give ye French fair quarter & usage, if they would yeeld. In consideration wherof he was to have 700li. of beaver, to be delivered him ther, when he had done ye thing; but if he did not accomplish it, he was to loose his labour, and have nothing. With him they also sent their owne bark, and about 20. men, with Captaine Standish, to aide him (if neede weer), and to order things, if the house was regained; and then to pay him ye beaver, which they keept abord their owne barke. So they with their bark piloted him thither, and brought him safe into ye harbor. But he was so rash & heady as he would take no advice, nor would suffer Captaine Standish to have time to summone them, (who had com̅ission & order so to doe,) neither would doe it him selfe; the which, it was like, if it had been done, & they come to affaire parley, seeing their force, they would have yeelded. Neither would he have patience to bring his ship wher she might doe execution, but begane to shoot at distance like a madd man, and did them no hurte at all; the which when those of ye plantation saw, they were much greeved, and went to him & tould him he would doe no good if he did not lay his ship beter to pass (for she might lye within pistoll shott of ye house). At last, when he saw his owne folly, he was perswaded, and layed her well, and bestowed a few shott to good purposs. But now, when he was in a way to doe some good, his powder was goone; for though he had ... peece of ordnance, it did now appeare he had but a barrell of powder, and a peece; so he could doe no good, but was faine to draw of againe; by which means ye enterprise was made frustrate, and ye French incouraged; for all ye while that he shot so unadvisedly, they lay close under a worke of earth, & let him consume him selfe. He advised with ye Captaine how he might be supplyed with powder, for he had not to carie him home; so he tould him he would goe to ye next plantation, and doe his indeour to procure him some, and so did; but understanding, by intelligence, that he intended to ceiase on ye barke, & surprise ye beaver, he sent him the powder, and brought ye barke & beaver home. But Girling never assualted ye place more, (seeing him selfe disapoyented,) but went his way; and this was ye end of this bussines.

Upon ye ill success of this bussines, the Govr and Assistants here by their leters certified their freinds in ye Bay, how by this ship they had been abused and disapoynted, and yt the French partly had, and were now likly to fortifie them selves more strongly, and likly to become ill neigbours to ye English. Upon this they thus writ to them as folloeth:—

Worthy Srs: Upon ye reading of your leters, & consideration of ye waightines of ye cause therin mentioned, the courte hath joyntly expressed their willingnes to assist you with men & munition, for ye accomplishing of your desires upon ye French. But because here are none of yours yt have authority to conclude of any thing herein, nothing can be done by us for ye presente. We desire, therfore, that you would with all conveniente speed send some man of trust, furnished with instructions from your selves, to make such agreemente with us about this bussines as may be usefull for you, and equall for us. So in hast we com̅ite you to God, and remaine

Your assured loving freinds,

John Haynes, Govr.
Ri: Bellingham, Dep.
Jo: Winthrop.
Tho: Dudley.
Jo: Humfray.
Wm: Coddington.
Wm: Pinchon.
Atherton Houghe.
Increas Nowell.
Ric: Dumer.
Simon Bradstrete.

New-towne, Octor 9. 1635.

Upon the receite of ye above mentioned, they presently deputed 2. of theirs to treate with them, giving them full power to conclude, according to the instructions they gave them, being to this purposs: that if they would afford such assistance as, togeather with their owne, was like to effecte the thing, and allso bear a considerable parte of ye charge, they would goe on; if not, they (having lost so much allready) should not be able, but must desiste, and waite further opportunitie as God should give, to help them selves. But this came to nothing, for when it came to ye issue, they would be at no charge, but sente them this letter, and referd them more at large to their owne messengers.

Sr: Having, upon ye consideration of your letter, with ye message you sente, had some serious consultations aboute ye great importance of your bussines with ye French, we gave our answer to those whom you deputed to conferr wth us aboute ye viage to Penobscote. We shewed our willingnes to help, but withall we declared our presente condition, & in what state we were, for our abilitie to help; which we for our parts shall be willing to improve, to procure you sufficiente supply of men & munition. But for matter of moneys we have no authority at all to promise, and if we should, we should rather disapoynte you, then incourage you by yt help, which we are not able to performe. We likewise thought it fitt to take ye help of other Esterne plantations; but those things we leave to your owne wisdomes. And for other things we refer you to your owne com̅itties, who are able to relate all ye passages more at large. We salute you, & wish you all good success in ye Lord.

Your faithfull & loving friend,

Ri: Bellingham, Dep:

In ye name of the rest of the Comities.

Boston, Octobr 16. 1635.

This thing did not only thus breake of, but some of their merchants shortly after sent to trad with them, and furnished them both with provissions, & poweder & shott; and so have continued to doe till this day, as they have seen opportunitie for their profite. So as in truth ye English them selves have been the cheefest supporters of these French; for besids these, the plantation at Pemaquid (which lyes near unto them) doth not only supply them with what yey wante, but gives them continuall intelligence of all things that passes among ye English, (espetially some of them,) so as it is no marvell though they still grow, & incroach more & more upon ye English, and fill ye Indeans with gunes & munishtion, to ye great deanger of ye English, who lye open & unfortified, living upon husbandrie; and ye other closed up in their forts, well fortified, and live upon trade, in good securitie. If these things be not looked too, and remeady provided in time, it may easily be conjectured what they may come toe; but I leave them.

This year, ye 14. or 15. of August (being Saturday) was such a mighty storme of wind & raine, as none living in these parts, either English or Indeans, ever saw. Being like (for ye time it continued) to those Hauricanes and Tuffons that writers make mention of in ye Indeas. It began in ye morning, a litle before day, and grue not by degrees, but came with violence in ye begining, to ye great amasmente of many. It blew downe sundry houses, & uncovered others; diverce vessells were lost at sea, and many more in extreme danger. It caused ye sea to swell (to ye southward of this place) above 20. foote, right up & downe, and made many of the Indeans to clime into trees for their saftie; it tooke of ye borded roofe of a house which belonged to the plantation at Manamet, and floted it to another place, the posts still standing in ye ground; and if it had continued long without ye shifting of ye wind, it is like it would have drouned some parte of ye cuntrie. It blew downe many hundered thowsands of trees, turning up the stronger by the roots, and breaking the hiegher pine trees of in the midle, and ye tall yonge oaks & walnut trees of good biggnes were wound like a withe, very strang & fearfull to behould. It begane in ye southeast, and parted toward ye south & east, and vered sundry ways; but ye greatest force of it here was from ye former quarters. It continued not (in ye extremitie) above 5. or 6. houers, but ye violence begane to abate. The signes and marks of it will remaine this 100. years in these parts wher it was sorest. The moone suffered a great eclips the 2. night after it.

Some of their neighbours in ye Bay, hereing of ye fame of Conightecute River, had a hankering mind after it, (as was before noted,) and now understanding that ye Indeans were swepte away with ye late great mortalitie, the fear of whom was an obstacle unto them before, which being now taken away, they begane now to prosecute it with great egernes. The greatest differances fell betweene those of Dorchester plantation and them hear; for they set their minde on that place, which they had not only purchased of ye Indeans, but wher they had builte; intending only (if they could not remove them) that they should have but a smale moyety left to ye house, as to a single family; whose doings and proceedings were conceived to be very injurious, to attempte not only to intrude them selves into ye rights & possessions of others, but in effect to thrust them out of all. Many were ye leters & passages that went betweene them hear aboute, which would be to long here to relate.

I shall here first inserte a few lines that was write by their own agente from thence.

Sr: &c. Ye Masschuset men are coming almost dayly, some by water, & some by land, who are not yet determined wher to setle, though some have a great mind to ye place we are upon, and which was last bought. Many of them look at that which this river will not afford, excepte it be at this place which we have, namly, to be a great towne, and have comodious dwellings for many togeather. So as what they will doe I cannot yet resolve you; for this place ther is none of them say any thing to me, but what I hear from their servants (by whom I perceive their minds). I shall doe what I can to withstand them. I hope they will hear reason; as that we were here first, and entred with much difficulty and danger, both in regard of ye Dutch & Indeans, and bought ye land, (to your great charge, allready disbursed,) and have since held here a chargable possession, and kept ye Dutch from further incroaching, which would els long before this day have possessed all, and kept out all others, &c. I hope these & such like arguments will stoppe them. It was your will we should use their persons & messengers kindly, & so we have done, and doe dayly, to your great charge; for ye first company had well nie starved had it not been for this house, for want of victuals; I being forced to supply 12. men for 9. days togeather; and those which came last, I entertained the best we could, helping both them (& ye other) with canows, & guids. They gott me to goe with them to ye Dutch, to see if I could procure some of them to have quiet setling nere them; but they did peremtorily withstand them. But this later company did not once speak therof, &c. Also I gave their goods house roome according to their ernest request, and Mr. Pinchons letter in their behalfe (which I thought good to send you, here inclosed). And what trouble & charge I shall be further at I know not; for they are com̅ing dayly, and I expecte these back againe from below, whither they are gone to veiw ye countrie. All which trouble & charg we under goe for their occasion, may give us just cause (in ye judgmente of all wise & understanding men) to hold and keep that we are setled upon. Thus with my duty remembred, &c. I rest

Yours to be comanded

Johnnathā Brewster.

Matianuck, July 6. 1635.

Amongst ye many agitations that pased betweene them, I shal note a few out of their last letters, & for ye present omitte ye rest, except upon other occasion I may have fitter opportunity. After their thorrow veiw of ye place, they began to pitch them selves upon their land & near their house; which occasioned much expostulation betweene them. Some of which are such as follow.

Brethren, having latly sent 2. of our body unto you, to agitate & bring to an issue some maters in difference betweene us, about some lands at Conightecutt, unto which you lay challeng; upon which God by his providence cast us, and as we conceive in a faire way of providence tendered it to us, as a meete place to receive our body, now upon removall.

We shall not need to answer all ye passages of your larg letter, &c. But wheras you say God in his providence cast you, &c., we tould you before, and (upon this occasion) must now tell you still, that our mind is other wise, and yt you cast rather a partiall, if not a covetous eye, upon that wch is your neigbours, and not yours; and in so doing, your way could not be faire unto it. Looke yt you abuse not Gods providence in such allegations.

Theirs.

Now allbeite we at first judged ye place so free yt we might with Gods good leave take & use it, without just offence to any man, it being the Lords wast, and for ye presente altogeather voyd of inhabitants, that indeede minded ye imploymente therof, to ye right ends for which land was created, Gen: 1. 28. and for future intentions of any, & uncertaine possibilities of this or that to be done by any, we judging them (in such a case as ours espetialy) not meete to be equalled with presente actions (such as ours was) much less worthy to be prefered before them; and therfore did we make some weake beginings in that good worke, in ye place afforesaid.

Ans: Their answer was to this effecte. That if it was ye Lords wast, it was them selves that found it so, & not they; and have since bought it of ye right oweners, and maintained a chargable possession upon it al this while, as them selves could not but know. And because of present ingagments and other hinderances which lay at presente upon them, must it therfore be lawfull for them to goe and take it from them? It was well known that they are upon a barren place, wher they were by necessitie cast; and neither they nor theirs could longe continue upon ye same; and why should they (because they were more ready, & more able at presente) goe and deprive them of that which they had wth charg & hazard provided, & intended to remove to, as soone as they could & were able?

They had another passage in their letter; they had rather have to doe with the lords in England, to whom (as they heard it reported) some of them should say that they had rather give up their right to them, (if they must part with it,) then to ye church of Dorchester, &c. And that they should be less fearfull to offend ye lords, then they were them.

Answer: Their answer was, that what soever they had heard, (more then was true,) yet ye case was not so with them that they had need to give away their rights & adventurs, either to ye lords, or them; yet, if they might measure their fear of offence by their practise, they had rather (in that poynte) they should deal with ye lords, who were beter able to bear it, or help them selves, then they were.

But least I should be teadious, I will forbear other things, and come to the conclusion that was made in ye endd. To make any forcible resistance was farr from their thoughts, (they had enough of yt about Kenebeck,) and to live in continuall contention with their freinds & brethren would be uncomfortable, and too heavie a burden to bear. Therfore for peace sake (though they conceived they suffered much in this thing) they thought it better to let them have it upon as good termes as they could gett; and so they fell to treaty. The first thing yt (because they had made so many & long disputs aboute it) they would have them to grante was, yt they had right too it, or ells they would never treat aboute it. The which being acknowledged, & yeelded unto by them, this was ye conclusion they came unto in ye end after much adoe: that they should retaine their house, and have the 16. parte of all they had bought of ye Indeans; and ye other should have all ye rest of ye land; leaveing such a moyety to those of New-towne, as they reserved for them. This 16. part was to be taken in too places; one towards ye house, the other towards New-townes proporrtion. Also they were to pay according to proportion, what had been disbursed to ye Indeans for ye purchass. Thus was ye controversie ended, but the unkindnes not so soone forgotten. They of New-towne delt more fairly, desireing only what they could conveniently spare, from a competancie reserved for a plantation, for them selves; which made them the more carfull to procure a moyety for them, in this agreement & distribution.

Amongst ye other bussinesses that Mr. Winslow had to doe in England, he had order from ye church to provid & bring over some able & fitt man for to be their minister. And accordingly he had procured a godly and a worthy man, one Mr. Glover; but it pleased God when he was prepared for the viage, he fell sick of a feaver and dyed. Afterwards, when he was ready to come away, he became acquainted with Mr. Norton, who was willing to come over, but would not ingage him selfe to this place, otherwise then he should see occasion when he came hear; and if he liked better else wher, to repay ye charge laid out for him, (which came to aboute 70li.) and to be at his liberty. He stayed aboute a year with them, after he came over, and was well liked of them, & much desired by them; but he was invited to Ipswich, wher were many rich & able men, and sundry of his aquaintance; so he wente to them, & is their minister. Aboute half of ye charg was repayed, ye rest he had for ye pains he tooke amongst them.

Anno Dom: 1636.

Mr. Ed: Winslow was chosen Govr this year.

In ye former year, because they perceived by Mr. Winslows later letters that no accounts would be sente, they resolved to keep ye beaver, and send no more, till they had them, or came to some further agreemente. At least they would forbear till Mr. Winslow came over, that by more full conferance with him they might better understand what was meete to be done. But when he came, though he brought no accounts, yet he perswaded them to send ye beaver, & was confident upon ye receite of yt beaver, & his letters, they should have accounts ye nexte year; and though they thought his grounds but weake, that gave him this hope, & made him so confidente, yet by his importunitie they yeelded, & sente ye same, ther being a ship at ye latter end of year, by whom they sente 1150li. waight of beaver, and 200. otter skins, besids sundrie small furrs, as 55. minks, 2. black foxe skins, &c. And this year, in the spring, came in a Dutch man, who thought to have traded at ye Dutch-forte; but they would not suffer him. He, having good store of trading goods, came to this place, & tendred them to sell; of whom they bought a good quantitie, they being very good & fitte for their turne, as Dutch roll, ketles, &c., which goods amounted to ye valew of 500li., for ye paymente of which they passed bills to Mr. Sherley in England, having before sente ye forementioned parcell of beaver. And now this year (by another ship) sente an other good round parcell that might come to his hands, & be sould before any of these bills should be due. The quantity of beaver now sent was 1809li. waight, and of otters 10. skins, and shortly after (ye same year) was sent by another ship (Mr. Langrume maister), in beaver 0719li. waight, and of otter skins 199. concerning which Mr. Sherley thus writs.

Your leters I have received, with 8. hoggsheads of beaver by Ed: Wilkinson, master of ye Falcon. Blessed be God for ye safe coming of it. I have also seen & acceped 3. bills of exchainge, &c. But I must now acquainte you how the Lords heavie hand is upon this kingdom in many places, but cheefly in this cittie, with his judgmente of ye plague. The last weeks bill was 1200. & odd, I fear this will be more; and it is much feared it will be a winter sicknes. By reason wherof it is incredible ye number of people yt are gone into ye cuntry & left ye citie. I am perswaded many more then went out ye last sicknes; so as here is no trading, carriers from most places put downe; nor no receiving of any money, though long due. Mr. Hall ows us more then would pay these bills, but he, his wife, and all, are in ye cuntrie, 60. miles from London. I write to him, he came up, but could not pay us. I am perswaded if I should offer to sell ye beaver at 8s. pr pound, it would not yeeld money; but when ye Lord shall please to cease his hand, I hope we shall have better & quicker markets; so it shall lye by. Before I accepted ye bills, I acquainted Mr. Beachamp & Mr. Andrews with them, & how ther could be no money made nor received; and that it would be a great discredite to you, which never yet had any turned back, and a shame to us, haveing 1800li. of beaver lying by us, and more oweing then ye bills come too, &c. But all was nothing; neither of them both will put too their finger to help. I offered to supply my 3. parte, but they gave me their answer they neither would nor could, &c. How ever, your bils shall be satisfied to ye parties good contente; but I would not have thought they would have left either you or me at this time, &c. You will and may expect I should write more, & answer your leters, but I am not a day in ye weeke at home at towne, but carry my books & all to Clapham; for here is ye miserablest time yt I thinke hath been known in many ages. I have know̅ 3. great sickneses, but none like this. And that which should be a means to pacifie ye Lord, & help us, that is taken away, preaching put downe in many places, not a sermone in Westminster on ye saboth, nor in many townes aboute us; ye Lord in mercie looke uppon us. In the begining of ye year was a great drought, & no raine for many weeks togeather, so as all was burnte up, haye, at 5li. a load; and now all raine, so as much sommer come & later haye is spoyled. Thus ye Lord sends judgmente after judgmente, and yet we cannot see, nor humble our selves; and therfore may justly fear heavier judgments, unless we speedyly repente, & returne unto him, which ye Lord give us grace to doe, if it be his blessed will. Thus desiring you to remember us in your prayers, I ever rest

Your loving friend,

James Sherley.

Sept: 14. 1636.

This was all the answer they had from Mr. Sherley, by which Mr. Winslow saw his hops failed him. So they now resoloved to send no more beaver in yt way which they had done, till they came to some issue or other aboute these things. But now came over letters from Mr. Andrews & Mr. Beachamp full of complaints, that they marveled yt nothing was sent over, by which any of their moneys should be payed in; for it did appear by ye accounte sente in Ano 1631. that they were each of them out, aboute a leven hundered pounds a peece, and all this while had not received one penie towards ye same. But now Mr. Sherley sought to draw more money from them, and was offended because they deneyed him; and blamed them hear very much that all was sent to Mr. Sherley, & nothing to them. They marvelled much at this, for they conceived that much of their moneis had been paid in, & yt yearly each of them had received a proportionable quantity out of ye larg returnes sent home. For they had sente home since yt accounte was received in Ano 1631. (in which all & more then all their debts, wth yt years supply, was charged upon them) these sumes following.

Novbr 8. Ano 1631. By Mr. Peirce 0400li. waight of beaver, & otters 20.

July 13. Ano 1632. By Mr. Griffin 1348li. beaver, & otters 147.

Ano 1633. By Mr. Graves 3366li. bever, & otters 346.

Ano 1634. By Mr. Andrews 3738li. beaver, & otters 234.

Ano 1635. By Mr. Babb 1150li. beaver, & otters 200.

June 24. Ano 1636. By Mr. Wilkinson 1809li. beaver, & otters 010.

Ibidem. By Mr. Langrume 0719li. beaver, & otters 199.

12150li. 1156.

All these sumes were safly rceived & well sould, as appears by leters. The coat beaver usualy at 20s. pr pound, and some at 24s.; the skin at 15. & sometimes 16. I doe not remember any under 14. It may be ye last year might be something lower, so also ther were some small furrs that are not recconed in this accounte, & some black beaver at higer rates, to make up ye defects. It was conceived that ye former parcells of beaver came to litle less then 10000li. sterling, and ye otter skins would pay all ye charge, & they wth other furrs make up besids if any thing wanted of ye former sume. When ye former accounte was passed, all their debts (those of White-Angelle & Frendship included) came but to 4770li. And they could not estimate that all ye supplies since sent them, & bills payed for them, could come to above 2000li. so as they conceived their debts had been payed, with advantage or intrest. But it may be objected, how comes it that they could not as well exactly sett downe their receits, as their returnes, but thus estimate it. I answer, 2. things were ye cause of it; the first & principall was, that ye new accountante, which they in England would needs presse upon them, did wholy faile them, & could never give them any accounte; but trusting to his memorie, & lose papers, let things rune into such confusion, that neither he, nor any with him, could bring things to rights. But being often called upon to perfecte his accounts, he desired to have such a time, and such a time of leasure, and he would doe it. In ye intrime he fell into a great sicknes, and in conclusion it fell out he could make no accounte at all. His books were after a litle good begining left altogeather unperfect; and his papers, some were lost, & others so confused, as he knew not what to make of them him selfe, when they came to be searched & examined. This was not unknowne to Mr. Sherley; and they came to smarte for it to purposs, (though it was not their faulte,) both thus in England, and also here; for they conceived they lost some hundreds of pounds for goods trusted out in ye place, which were lost for want of clear accounts to call them in. Another reason of this mischeefe was, that after Mr. Winslow was sente into England to demand accounts, and to excepte against ye Whit-Angell, they never had any price sent with their goods, nor any certaine invoyce of them; but all things stood in confusion, and they were faine to guesse at ye prises of them.

They write back to Mr. Andrews & Mr. Beachamp, and tould them they marveled they should write they had sent nothing home since ye last accounts; for they had sente a great deale; and it might rather be marveled how they could be able to send so much, besids defraying all charg at home, and what they had lost by the French, and so much cast away at sea, when Mr. Peirce lost his ship on ye coast of Virginia. What they had sente was to them all, and to them selves as well as Mr. Sherley, and if they did not looke after it, it was their owne falts; they must referr them to Mr. Sherley, who had received it, to demand it of him. They allso write to Mr. Sherley to ye same purposs, and what the others complaints were.

This year 2. shallops going to Coonigtecutt with goods from ye Massachusetts of such as removed theither to plante, were in an easterly storme cast away in coming into this harbore in ye night; the boats men were lost, and the goods were driven all alonge the shore, and strowed up & downe at high-water marke. But ye Govr caused them to be gathered up, and drawn togeather, and appointed some to take an inventory of them, and others to wash & drie such things as had neede therof; by which means most of ye goods were saved, and restored to ye owners. Afterwards anotheir boate of theirs (going thither likwise) was cast away near unto Manoanscusett, and such goods as came a shore were preserved for them. Such crosses they mette with in their beginings; which some imputed as a correction from God for their intrution (to ye wrong of others) into yt place. But I dare not be bould with Gods judgments in this kind.

In ye year 1634, the Pequents (a stoute and warlike people), who had made warrs with sundry of their neigbours, and puft up with many victories, grue now at varience with ye Narigansets, a great people bordering upon them. These Narigansets held correspondance and termes of freindship with ye English of ye Massachusetts. Now ye Pequents, being conscious of ye guilte of Captain-Stones death, whom they knew to be an-English man, as also those yt were with him, and being fallen out with ye Dutch, least they should have over many enemies at once, sought to make freindship with ye English of ye Massachusetts; and for yt end sent both messengers & gifts unto them, as appears by some letters sent from ye Govr hither.

Dear & worthy Sr: &c. To let you know somwhat of our affairs, you may understand that ye Pequents have sent some of theirs to us, to desire our freindship, and offered much wampam & beaver, &c. The first messengers were dismissed without answer; with ye next we had diverce dayes conferance, and taking ye advice of some of our ministers, and seeking the Lord in it, we concluded a peace & freindship with them, upon these conditions: that they should deliver up to us those men who were guilty of Stones death, &c. And if we desired to plant in Conightecute, they should give up their right to us, and so we would send to trade with them as our freinds (which was ye cheefe thing we aimed at, being now in warr with ye Dutch and ye rest of their neigbours). To this they readily agreed; and that we should meadiate a peace betweene them and the Narigansetts; for which end they were contente we should give the Narigansets parte of yt presente, they would bestow on us (for they stood so much on their honour, as they would not be seen to give any thing of them selves). As for Captein Stone, they tould us ther were but 2. left of those who had any hand in his death; and that they killed him in a just quarell, for (say they) he surprised 2. of our men, and bound them, to make them by force to shew him ye way up ye river; and he with 2. other coming on shore, 9. Indeans watched him, and when they were a sleepe in ye night, they kiled them, to deliver their owne men; and some of them going afterwards to ye pinass, it was suddainly blowne up. We are now preparing to send a pinass unto them, &c.

In an other of his, dated ye 12. of ye first month, he hath this.

Our pinass is latly returned from ye Pequents; they put of but litle comoditie, and found them a very false people, so as they mean to have no more to doe with them. I have diverce other things to write unto you, &c.

Yours ever assured,

Jo: Winthrop.

Boston, 12. of ye 1. month, 1634.

After these things, and, as I take, this year, John Oldom, (of whom much is spoken before,) being now an inhabitant of ye Massachusetts, went wth a small vessell, & slenderly mand, a trading into these south parts, and upon a quarell betweene him & ye Indeans was cutt of by them (as hath been before noted) at an iland called by ye Indeans Munisses, but since by ye English Block Iland. This, with ye former about the death of Stone, and the baffoyling of ye Pequents with ye English of ye Massachusetts, moved them to set out some to take revenge, and require satisfaction for these wrongs; but it was done so superfitially, and without their acquainting of those of Conightecute & other neighbours with ye same, as they did litle good. But their neigbours had more hurt done, for some of ye murderers of Oldome fled to ye Pequents, and though the English went to ye Pequents, and had some parley with them, yet they did but delude them, & ye English returned without doing any thing to purpose, being frustrate of their oppertunitie by ye others deceite. After ye English were returned, the Pequents tooke their time and oppertunitie to cut of some of ye English as they passed in boats, and went on fouling, and assaulted them ye next spring at their habytations, as will appear in its place. I doe but touch these things, because I make no question they wall be more fully & distinctly handled by them selves, who had more exacte knowledg of them, and whom they did more properly concerne.

This year Mr. Smith layed downe his place of ministrie, partly by his owne willingnes, as thinking it too heavie a burthen, and partly at the desire, and by ye perswasion, of others; and the church sought out for some other, having often been disappointed in their hops and desires heretofore. And it pleased the Lord to send them an able and a godly man, and of a meeke and humble spirite, sound in ye truth, and every way unreproveable in his life & conversation; whom, after some time of triall, they chose for their teacher, the fruits of whose labours they injoyed many years with much comforte, in peace, & good agreemente.

Anno Dom: 1637.

In ye fore parte of this year, the Pequents fell openly upon ye English at Conightecute, in ye lower parts of ye river, and slew sundry of them, (as they were at work in ye feilds,) both men & women, to ye great terrour of ye rest; and wente away in great prid & triumph, with many high threats. They allso assalted a fort at ye rivers mouth, though strong and well defended; and though they did not their prevaile, yet it struk them with much fear & astonishmente to see their bould attempts in the face of danger; which made them in all places to stand upon their gard, and to prepare for resistance, and ernestly to solissite their freinds and confederats in ye Bay of Massachusets to send them speedy aide, for they looked for more forcible assaults. Mr. Vane, being then Govr, write from their Generall Courte to them hear, to joyne with them in this warr; to which they were cordially willing, but tooke opportunitie to write to them aboute some former things, as well as presente, considerable hereaboute. The which will best appear in ye Govr answer which he returned to ye same, which I shall here inserte.

Sr: The Lord having so disposed, as that your letters to our late Govr is fallen to my lott to make answer unto, I could have wished I might have been at more freedome of time & thoughts also, that I might have done it more to your & my owne satisfaction. But what shall be wanting now may be supplyed hereafter. For ye matters which from your selfe & counsell were propounded & objected to us, we thought not fitte to make them so publicke as ye cognizance of our Generall Courte. But as they have been considered by those of our counsell, this answer we thinke fitt to returne unto you. (1.) Wereas you signifie your willingnes to joyne with us in this warr against ye Pequents, though you cannot ingage your selves without ye consente of your Generall Courte, we acknowledg your good affection towards us, (which we never had cause to doubt of,) and are willing to attend your full resolution, when it may most seasonably be ripened. (2ly.) Wheras you make this warr to be our peopls, and not to conceirne your selves, otherwise then by consequence, we do in parte consente to you therin; yet we suppose, that, in case of perill, you will not stand upon such terms, as we hope we should not doe towards you; and withall we conceive that you looke at ye Pequents, and all other Indeans, as a com̅one enimie, who, though he may take occasion of ye begining of his rage, from some one parte of ye English, yet if he prevaile, will surly pursue his advantage, to ye rooting out of ye whole nation. Therfore when we desired your help, we did it not without respecte to your owne saftie, as ours. (3ly.) Wheras you desire we should be ingaged to aide you, upon all like occasions; we are perswaded you doe not doubte of it; yet as we now deale with you as a free people, and at libertie, so as we cannot draw you into this warr with us, otherwise then as reason may guid & provock you; so we desire we may be at ye like freedome, when any occasion may call for help from us. And wheras it is objected to us, that we refused to aide you against ye French; we conceive ye case was not alicke; yet we cannot wholy excuse our failing in that matter. (4ly.) Weras you objecte that we began ye warr without your privitie, & managed it contrary to your advise; the truth is, that our first intentions being only against Block Iland, and ye interprice seeming of small difficultie, we did not so much as consider of taking advice, or looking out for aide abroad. And when we had resolved upon ye Pequents, we sent presently, or not long after, to you aboute it; but ye answer received, it was not seasonable for us to chaing our counsells, excepte we had seen and waighed your grounds, which might have out wayed our owne.

(5ly.) For our peoples trading at Kenebeck, we assure you (to our knowledge) it hath not been by any allowance from us; and what we have provided in this and like cases, at our last Courte, Mr. E. W. can certifie you.

And (6ly); wheras you objecte to us yt we should hold trade & correspondancie with ye French, your enemise; we answer, you are misinformed, for, besids some letters which hath passed betweene our late Govr and them, to which we were privie, we have neither sente nor incouraged ours to trade with them; only one vessell or tow, for ye better conveāce of our letters, had licens from our Govr to sayle thither.

Diverce other things have been privatly objected to us, by our worthy freind, wherunto he received some answer; but most of them concerning ye apprehention of perticuler discurteseis, or injueries from some perticuler persons amongst us. It concernes us not to give any other answer to them then this; that, if ye offenders shall be brought forth in a right way, we shall be ready to doe justice as ye case shall require. In the meane time, we desire you to rest assured, that such things are without our privity, and not a litle greeveous to us.

Now for ye joyning with us in this warr, which indeed concerns us no other wise then it may your selves, viz.: the releeving of our freinds & Christian breethren, who are now first in ye danger; though you may thinke us able to make it good without you, (as, if ye Lord please to be with us, we may,) yet 3. things we offer to your consideration, which (we conceive) may have some waight with you. (First) yt if we should sinck under this burden, your opportunitie of seasonable help would be lost in 3. respects. 1. You cannot recover us, or secure your selves ther, with 3. times ye charge & hazard which now ye may. 2ly. The sorrowes which we should lye under (if through your neglect) would much abate of ye acceptablenes of your help afterwards. 3ly. Those of yours who are now full of courage and forwardnes, would be much damped, and so less able to undergoe so great a burden. The (2.) thing is this, that it concernes us much to hasten this warr to an end before ye end of this somer, otherwise ye newes of it will discourage both your & our freinds from coming to us next year; with what further hazard & losse it may expose us unto, your selves may judge.

The (3.) thing is this, that if ye Lord shall please to blesse our endeaours, so as we end ye warr, or put it in a hopefull way without you, it may breed such ill thoughts in our people towards yours, as will be hard to entertaine such opinione of your good will towards us, as were fitt to be nurished among such neigbours & brethren as we are. And what ill consequences may follow, on both sids, wise men may fear, & would rather prevente then hope to redress. So with my harty salutations to you selfe, and all your counsell, and other our good freinds with you, I rest

Yours most assured in ye Lord,

Jo: Winthrop.

Boston, ye 20. of ye 3. month, 1637.

In ye mean time, the Pequents, espetially in ye winter before, sought to make peace with ye Narigansets, and used very pernicious arguments to move them therunto: as that ye English were stranegers and begane to overspred their countrie, and would deprive them therof in time, if they were suffered to grow & increse; and if ye Narigansets did assist ye English to subdue them, they did but make way for their owne overthrow, for if they were rooted out, the English would soone take occasion to subjugate them; and if they would harken to them, they should not neede to fear ye strength of ye English; for they would not come to open battle with them, but fire their houses, kill their katle, and lye in ambush for them as they went abroad upon their occasions; and all this they might easily doe without any or litle danger to them selves. The which course being held, they well saw the English could not long subsiste, but they would either be starved with hunger, or be forced to forsake the countrie; with many ye like things; insomuch that ye Narigansets were once wavering, and were halfe minded to have made peace with them, and joy̅ed against ye English. But againe when they considered, how much wrong they had received from the Pequents, and what an oppertunitie they now had by ye help of ye English to right them selves, revenge was so sweete unto them, as it prevailed above all ye rest; so as they resolved to joyne with ye English against them, & did. The Court here agreed forwith to send 50. men at their owne charg; and wth as much speed as posiblie they could, gott them armed, and had made them ready under sufficiente leaders, and provided a barke to carrie them provisions & tend upon them for all occasions; but when they were ready to march (with a supply from ye Bay) they had word to stay, for ye enimy was as good as vanquished, and their would be no neede.

I shall not take upon me exactly to describe their proceedings in these things, because I expecte it will be fully done by them selves, who best know the carrage & circumstances of things; I shall therfore but touch them in generall. From Connightecute (who were most sencible of ye hurt sustained, & ye present danger), they sett out a partie of men, and an other partie mett them from ye Bay, at ye Narigansets, who were to joyne with them. Ye Narigansets were ernest to be gone before ye English were well rested and refreshte, espetially some of them which came last. It should seeme their desire was to come upon ye enemie sudenly, & undiscovered. Ther was a barke of this place, newly put in ther, which was come from Conightecutte, who did incourage them to lay hold of ye Indeans forwardnes, and to shew as great forwardnes as they, for it would incorage them, and expedition might prove to their great advantage. So they went on, and so ordered their march, as the Indeans brought them to a forte of ye enimies (in which most of their cheefe men were) before day. They approached ye same with great silence, and surrounded it both with English & Indeans, that they might not breake out; and so assualted them with great courage, shooting amongst them, and entered ye forte with all speed; and those yt first entered found sharp resistance from the enimie, who both shott at & grapled with them; others rane into their howses, & brought out fire, and sett them on fire, which soone tooke in their matts, &, standing close togeather, with ye wind, all was quickly on a flame, and therby more were burnte to death then was otherwise slain; it burnte their bowstrings, and made them unservisable. Those yt scaped ye fire were slaine with ye sword; some hewed to peeces, others rune throw with their rapiers, so as they were quickly dispatchte, and very few escaped. It was conceived they thus destroyed about 400. at this time. It was a fearfull sight to see them thus frying in ye fyer, and ye streams of blood quenching ye same, and horrible was ye stinck & sente ther of; but ye victory seemed a sweete sacrifice, and they gave the prays therof to God, who had wrought so wonderfuly for them, thus to inclose their enimise in their hands, and give them so speedy a victory over so proud & insulting an enimie. The Narigansett Indeans, all this while, stood round aboute, but aloofe from all danger, and left ye whole execution to ye English, exept it were ye stoping of any yt broke away, insulting over their enimies in this their ruine & miserie, when they saw them dancing in ye flames, calling them by a word in their owne language, signifing, O brave Pequents! which they used familierly among them selves in their own prayes, in songs of triumph after their victories. After this servis was thus happily accomplished, they marcht to the water side, wher they mett with some of their vesells, by which they had refreishing with victualls & other necessaries. But in their march ye rest of ye Pequents drew into a body, and acoasted them, thinking to have some advantage against them by reason of a neck of land; but when they saw the English prepare for them, they kept a loofe, so as they neither did hurt, nor could receive any. After their refreishing & repair to geather for further counsell & directions, they resolved to pursue their victory, and follow ye warr against ye rest, but ye Narigansett Indeans most of them forsooke them, and such of them as they had with them for guids, or otherwise, they found them very could and backward in ye bussines, ether out of envie, or yt they saw ye English would make more profite of ye victorie then they were willing they should, or els deprive them of such advantage as them selves desired by having them become tributaries unto them, or ye like.

For ye rest of this bussines, I shall only relate ye same as it is in a leter which came from Mr. Winthrop to ye Govr hear, as followeth.

Worthy Sr: I received your loving letter, and am much provocked to express my affections towards you, but straitnes of time forbids me; for my desire is to acquainte you with ye Lords greate mercies towards us, in our prevailing against his & our enimies; that you may rejoyce and praise his name with us. About 80. of our men, haveing costed along towards ye Dutch plantation, (some times by water, but most by land,) mett hear & ther with some Pequents, whom they slew or tooke prisoners. 2. sachems they tooke, & beheaded; and not hearing of Sassacous, (the cheefe sachem,) they gave a prisoner his life, to goe and find him out. He wente and brought them word where he was, but Sassacouse, suspecting him to be a spie, after he was gone, fled away with some 20. more to ye Mowakes, so our men missed of him. Yet, deviding them selves, and ranging up & downe, as ye providence of God guided them (for ye Indeans were all gone, save 3. or 4. and they knew not whither to guid them, or els would not), upon ye 13. of this month, they light upon a great company of them, viz. 80. strong men, & 200. women & children, in a small Indean towne, fast by a hideous swamp, which they all slipped into before our men could gett to them. Our captains were not then come togeither, but ther was Mr. Ludlow and Captaine Masson, with some 10. of their men, & Captaine Patrick with some 20. or more of his, who, shooting at ye Indeans, Captaine Trask with 50. more came soone in at ye noyse. Then they gave order to surround ye swampe, it being aboute a mile aboute; but Levetenante Davenporte & some 12. more, not hearing that com̅and, fell into ye swampe among ye Indeans. The swampe was so thicke with shrub-woode, & so boggie with all, that some of them stuck fast, and received many shott. Levetenant Davenport was dangerously wounded aboute his armehole, and another shott in ye head, so as, fainting, they were in great danger to have been taken by ye Indeans. But Sargante Rigges, & Jeffery, and 2. or 3. more, rescued them, and slew diverse of ye Indeans with their swords. After they were drawne out, the Indeans desired parley, & were offered (by Thomas Stanton, our interpretour) that, if they would come out, and yeeld them selves, they should have their lives, all that had not their hands in ye English blood. Wherupon ye sachem of ye place came forth, and an old man or 2. & their wives and children, and after that some other women & children, and so they spake 2. howers, till it was night. Then Thomas Stanton was sente into them againe, to call them forth; but they said they would selle their lives their, and so shott at him so thicke as, if he had not cried out, and been presently rescued, they had slaine him. Then our men cutt of a place of ye swampe with their swords, and cooped the Indeans into so narrow a compass, as they could easier kill them throw ye thickets. So they continued all ye night, standing aboute 12. foote one from an other, and ye Indeans, coming close up to our men, shot their arrows so thicke, as they pierced their hatte brimes, & their sleeves, & stockins, & other parts of their cloaths, yet so miraculously did the Lord preserve them as not one of them was wounded, save those 3. who rashly went into ye swampe. When it was nere day, it grue very darke, so as those of them which were left dropt away betweene our men, though they stood but 12. or 14. foote assunder; but were presenly discovered, & some killed in ye pursute. Upon searching of ye swampe, ye next morning, they found 9. slaine, & some they pulled up, whom ye Indeans had buried in ye mire, so as they doe thinke that, of all this company, not 20. did escape, for they after found some who dyed in their flight of their wounds received. The prisoners were devided, some to those of ye river, and the rest to us. Of these we send ye male children to Bermuda, by Mr. William Peirce, & ye women & maid children are disposed aboute in the townes. Ther have been now slaine & taken, in all, aboute 700. The rest are dispersed, and the Indeans in all quarters so terrified as all their friends are affraid to receive them. 2. of ye sachems of Long Iland came to Mr. Stoughton and tendered them selves to be tributaries under our protection. And 2. of ye Neepnett sachems have been with me to seeke our frendship. Amonge the prisoners we have ye wife & children of Mononotto, a womon of a very modest countenance and behaviour. It was by her mediation that the 2. English maids were spared from death, and were kindly used by her; so that I have taken charge of her. One of her first requests was, that the English would not abuse her body, and that her children might not be taken from her. Those which were wounded were fetched of soone by John Galopp, who came with his shalop in a happie houre, to bring them victuals, and to carrie their wounded men to ye pinass, wher our cheefe surgeon was, wth Mr. Willson, being aboute 8. leagues off. Our people are all in health, (ye Lord be praised,) and allthough they had marched in their armes all ye day, and had been in fight all ye night, yet they professed they found them selves so fresh as they could willingly have gone to such another bussines.

This is ye substance of that which I received, though I am forced to omite many considerable circomstances. So, being in much straitnes of time, (the ships being to departe within this 4. days, and in them the Lord Lee and Mr. Vane,) I hear breake of, and with harty saluts to, &c., I rest

Yours assured,

Jo: Winthrop.

The 28. of ye 5. month, 1637.

The captains reporte we have slaine 13. sachems; but Sassacouse & Monotto are yet living.

That I may make an end of this matter: this Sassacouse (ye Pequents cheefe sachem) being fled to ye Mowhakes, they cutt of his head, with some other of ye cheefe of them, whether to satisfie ye English, or rather ye Narigansets, (who, as I have since heard, hired them to doe it,) or for their owne advantage, I well know not; but thus this warr tooke end. The rest of ye Pequents were wholy driven from their place, and some of them submitted them selves to ye Narigansets, & lived under them; others of them betooke them selves to ye Monhiggs, under Uncass, their sachem, wth the approbation of ye English of Conightecutt, under whose protection Uncass lived, and he and his men had been faithful to them in this warr, & done them very good service. But this did so vexe the Narrigansetts, that they had not ye whole sweay over them, as they have never ceased plotting and contriving how to bring them under, and because they cannot attaine their ends, because of ye English who have protected them, they have sought to raise a generall conspiracie against ye English, as will appear in an other place.

They had now letters againe out of England from Mr. Andrews & Mr. Beachamp, that Mr. Sherley neither had nor would pay them any money, or give them any accounte, and so with much discontent desired them hear to send them some, much blaming them still, that they had sent all to Mr. Sherley, & none to them selves. Now, though they might have justly referred them to their former answer, and insisted ther upon, & some wise men counselled them so to doe, yet because they beleeved that they were realy out round sumes of money, (espetialy Mr. Andrews,) and they had some in their hands, they resolved to send them what bever they had. Mr. Sherleys letters were to this purpose: that, as they had left him in ye paiment of ye former bills, so he had tould them he would leave them in this, and beleeve it, they should find it true. And he was as good as his word, for they could never gett peney from him, nor bring him to any accounte, though Mr. Beachamp sued him in ye Chancerie. But they all of them turned their complaints against them here, wher ther was least cause, and who had suffered most unjustly; first from Mr. Allerton & them, in being charged with so much of yt which they never had, nor drunke for; and now in paying all, & more then all (as they conceived), and yet still thus more demanded, and that with many heavie charges. They now discharged Mr. Sherley from his agencie, and forbad him to buy or send over any more goods for them, and prest him to come to some end about these things.

Anno Dom: 1638.

This year Mr. Thomas Prence was chosen Govr.

Amongst other enormities that fell out amongst them, this year 3. men were (after due triall) executed for robery & murder which they had committed; their names were these, Arthur Peach, Thomas Jackson, and Richard Stinnings; ther was a 4., Daniel Crose, who was also guilty, but he escaped away, and could not be found. This Arthur Peach was ye cheefe of them, and ye ring leader of all ye rest. He was a lustie and a desperate yonge man, and had been one of ye souldiers in ye Pequente warr, and had done as good servise as ye most ther, and one of ye forwardest in any attempte. And being now out of means, and loath to worke, and falling to idle courses & company, he intended to goe to ye Dutch plantation; and had alured these 3., being other mens servants and apprentices, to goe with him. But another cause ther was allso of his secret going away in this maner; he was not only rune into debte, but he had gott a maid with child, (which was not known till after his death,) a mans servante in ye towne, and fear of punishmente made him gett away. The other 3. complotting with him, ranne away from their maisters in the night, and could not be heard of, for they went not ye ordinarie way, but shaped such a course as they thought to avoyd ye pursute of any . But falling into ye way that lyeth betweene ye Bay of Massachusetts and the Narrigansets, and being disposed to rest them selves, struck fire, and took tobaco, a litle out of ye way, by ye way side. At length ther came a Narigansett Indean by, who had been in ye Bay a trading, and had both cloth & beads aboute him. (They had meett him ye day before, & he was now returning.) Peach called him to drinke tobaco with them, and he came & sate downe with them. Peach tould ye other he would kill him, and take what he had from him. But they were some thing afraid; but he said, Hang him, rogue, he had killed many of them. So they let him alone to doe as he would; and when he saw his time, he tooke a rapier and rane him through the body once or twise, and tooke from him 5. fathume of wampam, and 3. coats of cloath, and wente their way, leaving him for dead. But he scrabled away, when they were gone, and made shift to gett home, (but dyed within a few days after,) by which means they were discovered; and by subtilty the Indeans tooke them. For they desiring a canow to sett them over a water, (not thinking their facte had been known,) by ye sachems command they were carried to Aquidnett Iland, & ther accused of ye murder, and were examend & comitted upon it by ye English ther. The Indeans sent for Mr. Williams, & made a greeveous complainte; his freinds and kinred were ready to rise in armes, and provock the rest therunto, some conceiving they should now find ye Pequents words trew: that ye English would fall upon them. But Mr. Williams pacified them, & tould them, they should see justice done upon ye offenders; & wente to ye man, & tooke Mr. James, a phisition, with him. The man tould him who did it, & in what maner it was done; but the phisition found his wounds mortall, and that he could not live, (as he after testified upon othe, before the jurie in oppen courte,) and so he dyed shortly after, as both Mr. Williams, Mr. James, & some Indeans testified in courte. The Govrt in the Bay were aquented with it, but refferrd it hither, because it was done in this jurisdiction; but pressed by all means yt justice might be done in it; or els ye countrie must rise & see justice done, otherwise it would raise a warr. Yet some of ye rude & ignorante sorte murmured that any English should be put to death for ye Indeans. So at last they of ye iland brought them hither, and being often examened, and ye evidence prodused, they all in the end freely confessed in effect all yt the Indean accused them of, & that they had done it, in ye maner afforesaid; and so, upon ye forementioned evidence, were cast by ye jurie, & condemned, & executed for the same. And some of ye Narigansett Indeans, & of ye parties freinds, were presente when it was done, which gave them & all ye countrie good satisfaction. But it was a matter of much sadnes to them hear, and was ye 2. execution which they had since they came; being both for wilfull murder, as hath bene before related. Thus much of this mater.

They received this year more letters from England full of reneued complaints, on ye one side, that they could gett no money nor accounte from Mr. Sherley; & he againe, yt he was pressed therto, saying he was to accounte with those hear, and not with them, &c. So, as was before resolved, if nothing came of their last letters, they would now send them what they could, as supposing, when some good parte was payed them, that Mr. Sherley & they would more easily agree aboute ye remainder.

So they sent to Mr. Andrews and Mr. Beachamp, by Mr. Joseph Yonge, in ye Mary & Anne, 1325li. waight of beaver, devided betweene them. Mr. Beachamp returned an accounte of his moyety, that he made 400li. starling of it, fraight and all charges paid. But Mr. Andrews, though he had ye more and beter parte, yet he made not so much of his, through his owne indiscretion; and yet turned ye loss upon them hear, but without cause.

They sent them more by bills & other paimente, which was received & acknowledged by them, in money & ye like; which was for katle sould of Mr. Allertons, and ye price of a bark sold, which belonged to ye stock, and made over to them in money, 434li. sterling. The whole sume was 1234li. sterling, save what Mr. Andrews lost in ye beaver, which was otherwise made good. But yet this did not stay their clamors, as will apeare here after more at large.

It pleased God, in these times, so to blesse ye cuntry with such access & confluance of people into it, as it was therby much inriched, and catle of all kinds stood at a high rate for diverce years together. Kine were sould at 20li. and some at 25li. a peece, yea, some times at 28li. A cow-calfe usually at 10li. A milch goate at 3li. & some at 4li. And femall kids at 30s. and often at 40s. a peece. By which means ye anciente planters which had any stock begane to grow in their estats. Corne also wente at a round rate, viz. 6s. a bushell. So as other trading begane to be neglected; and the old partners (having now forbidden Mr. Sherley to send them any more goods) broke of their trade at Kenebeck, and, as things stood, would follow it no longer. But some of them, (with other they joyned with,) being loath it should be lost by discontinuance, agreed with ye company for it, and gave them aboute ye 6. parte of their gaines for it; with ye first fruits of which they builte a house for a prison; and the trade ther hath been since continued, to ye great benefite of ye place; for some well fore-sawe that these high prises of corne and catle would not long continue, and that then ye com̅odities ther raised would be much missed.

This year, aboute ye 1. or 2. of June, was a great & fearfull earthquake; it was in this place heard before it was felte. It came with a rumbling noyse, or low murmure, like unto remoate thunder; it came from ye norward, & pased southward. As ye noyse aproched nerer, they earth begane to shake, and came at length with that violence as caused platters, dishes, & such like things as stoode upon shelves, to clatter & fall downe; yea, persons were afraid of ye houses them selves. It so fell oute yt at ye same time diverse of ye cheefe of this towne were mett together at one house, conferring with some of their freinds that were upon their removall from ye place, (as if ye Lord would herby shew ye signes of his displeasure, in their shaking a peeces & removalls one from an other.) How ever it was very terrible for ye time, and as ye men were set talking in ye house, some women & others were without ye dores, and ye earth shooke with yt violence as they could not stand without catching hould of ye posts & pails yt stood next them; but ye violence lasted not long. And about halfe an hower, or less, came an other noyse & shaking, but nether so loud nor strong as ye former, but quickly passed over; and so it ceased. It was not only on ye sea coast, but ye Indeans felt it within land; and some ships that were upon ye coast were shaken by it. So powerfull is ye mighty hand of ye Lord, as to make both the earth & sea to shake, and the mountaines to tremble before him, when he pleases; and who can stay his hand? It was observed that ye som̅ers, for divers years togeather after this earthquake, were not so hotte & seasonable for ye ripning of corne & other fruits as formerly; but more could & moyst, & subjecte to erly & untimly frosts, by which, many times, much Indean corne came not to maturitie; but whether this was any cause, I leave it to naturallists to judge.

Anno Dom: 1639. & Anno Dom: 1640.

These 2. years I joyne togeather, because in them fell not out many things more then ye ordinary passages of their com̅one affaires, which are not needfull to be touched. Those of this plantation having at sundrie times granted lands for severall townships, and amongst ye rest to ye inhabitants of Sityate, some wherof issewed from them selves, and allso a large tracte of land was given to their 4. London partners in ye place, viz. Mr. Sherley, Mr. Beacham, Mr. Andrews, & Mr. Hatherley. At Mr. Hatherley's request and choys it was by him taken for him selfe and them in yt place; for the other 3. had invested him with power & trust to chose for them. And this tracte of land extended to their utmoste limets that way, and bordered on their neigbours of ye Massachusets, who had some years after seated a towne (called Hingam) on their lands next to these parts. So as now ther grue great differance betweene these 2. townships, about their bounds, and some meadow grownds that lay betweene them. They of Hingam presumed to alotte parte of them to their people, and measure & stack them out. The other pulled up their stacks, & threw them. So it grew to a controversie betweene the 2. goverments, & many letters and passages were betweene them aboute it; and it hunge some 2. years in suspense. The Courte of Massachusets, appointed some to range their line according to ye bounds of their patente, and (as they wente to worke) they made it to take in all Sityate, and I know not how much more. Againe, on ye other hand, according to ye line of the patente of this place, it would take in Hingame and much more within their bounds.

In ye end boath Courts agreed to chose 2. comissioners of each side, and to give them full & absolute power to agree and setle ye bounds betwene them; and what they should doe in ye case should stand irrevocably. One meeting they had at Hingam, but could not conclude; for their comissioners stoode stiffly on a clawes in their graunte, That from Charles-river, or any branch or parte therof, they were to extend their limits, and 3. myles further to ye southward; or from ye most southward parte of ye Massachusets Bay, and 3. mile further. But they chose to stand on ye former termes, for they had found a smale river, or brooke rather, that a great way with in land trended southward, and issued into some part of yt river taken to be Charles-river, and from ye most southerly part of this, & 3. mile more southward of ye same, they would rune a line east to ye sea, aboute 20. mile; which will (say they) take in a part of Plimoth itselfe. Now it is to be knowne yt though this patente & plantation were much the ancienter, yet this inlargemente of the same (in which Sityate stood) was granted after theirs, and so theirs were first to take place, before this inlargmente. Now their answer was, first, that, however according to their owne plan, they could noway come upon any part of their ancieante grante. Secondly. They could never prove yt to be a parte of Charles-river, for they knew not which was Charles-river, but as ye people of this place, which came first, imposed such a name upon yt river, upon which, since, Charles-towne is builte (supposing yt was it, which Captaine Smith in his mapp so named). Now they yt first named it have best reason to know it, and to explaine which is it. But they only tooke it to be Charles river, as fare as it was by them navigated, and yt was as farr as a boate could goe. But yt every runlett or small brooke, yt should, farr within land, come into it, or mixe their stremes with it, and were by ye natives called by other & differente names from it, should now by them be made Charles-river, or parts of it, they saw no reason for it. And gave instance in Humber, in Old England, which had ye Trente, Ouse, and many others of lesser note fell into it, and yet were not counted parts of it; and many smaler rivers & broks fell into ye Trente, & Ouse, and no parts of them, but had nams aparte, and divisions & nominations of them selves. Againe, it was pleaded that they had no east line in their patente, but were to begine at ye sea, and goe west by a line, &c. At this meeting no conclution was made, but things discussed & well prepared for an issue. The next year ye same com̅issioners had their power continued or renewed, and mett at Sityate, and concluded ye mater, as followeth.

The agreemente of ye bounds betwixte Plimoth and Massachusetts.

Wheras ther were tow comissiones granted by ye 2. jurisdictions, ye one of Massachsets Govermente, granted unto John Endecott, gent: and Israell Stoughton, gent: the other of New-Plimoth Govermente, to William Bradford, Govr, and Edward Winslow, gent: and both these for ye setting out, setling, & determining of ye bounds & limitts of ye lands betweene ye said jurisdictions, wherby not only this presente age, but ye posteritie to come may live peaceably & quietly in yt behalfe. And for as much as ye said comissioners on both sids have full power so to doe, as appeareth by ye records of both jurisdictions; we therfore, ye said comissioners above named, doe hearby with one consente & agreemente conclude, detirmine, and by these presents declare, that all ye marshes at Conahasett yt lye of ye one side of ye river next to Hingam, shall belong to ye jurisdition of Massachusetts Plantation; and all ye marshes yt lye on ye other side of ye river next to Sityate, shall be long to ye jurisdiction of New-Plimoth; excepting 60. acers of marsh at ye mouth of ye river, on Sityate side next to the sea, which we doe herby agree, conclude, & detirmine shall belong to ye jurisdition of Massachusetts. And further, we doe hearby agree, determine, and conclude, yt the bounds of ye limites betweene both ye said jurisditions are as followeth, viz. from ye mouth of ye brook yt runeth into Chonahasett marches (which we call by ye name of Bound-brooke) with a stright & directe line to ye midle of a great ponde, yt lyeth on ye right hand of ye uper path, or commone way, yt leadeth betweene Waimoth and Plimoth, close to ye path as we goe alonge, which was formerly named (and still we desire may be caled) Accord pond, lying aboute five or 6. myles from Weimoth southerley; and from thence with a straight line to ye souther-most part of Charles-river, & 3. miles southerly, inward into ye countrie, according as is expresed in ye patente granted by his Matie to ye Company of ye Massachusetts Plantation. Provided allways and never ye less concluded & determined by mutuall agreemente betweene ye said comissioners, yt if it fall out yt the said line from Accord-pond to ye sothermost parte of Charles-river, & 3. myles southerly as is before expresed, straiten or hinder any parte of any plantation begune by ye Govert of New-Plimoth, or hereafter to be begune within 10. years after ye date of these psnts, that then, notwithstanding ye said line, it shall be lawfull for ye said Govrt of New-Plimoth to assume on ye northerly side of ye said line, wher it shall so intrench as afforesaid, so much land as will make up ye quantity of eight miles square, to belong to every shuch plantation begune, or to [be] begune as afforesaid; which we agree, determine, & conclude to appertaine & belong to ye said Govrt of New-Plimoth. And wheras ye said line, from ye said brooke which runeth into Choahassett saltmarshes, called by us Bound-brooke, and ye pond called Accord-pond, lyeth nere ye lands belonging to ye tounships of Sityate & Hingam, we doe therfore hereby determine & conclude, that if any devissions allready made and recorded, by either ye said townships, doe crose the said line, that then it shall stand, & be of force according to ye former intents and purposes of the said townes granting them (the marshes formerly agreed on exepted). And yt no towne in either jurisdiction shall hereafter exceede, but containe them selves within ye said lines expressed. In witnes wherof we, the comissioners of both jurisdictions, doe by these presents indented set our hands & scales ye ninth day of ye 4. month in 16. year of our soveraine lord, king Charles; and in ye year of our Lord, 1640.

William Bradford, Govr.
Ed: Winslow.
Jo: Endecott.
Israell Stoughton.

Wheras ye patente was taken in ye name of William Bradford, (as in trust,) and rane in these termes: To him, his heires, and associats & assignes; and now ye noumber of free-men being much increased, and diverce tounships established and setled in severall quarters of ye govermente, as Plimoth, Duxberie, Sityate, Tanton, Sandwich, Yarmouth, Barnstable, Marchfeeld, and not longe after, Seacunke (called afterward, at ye desire of ye inhabitants, Rehoboth) and Nawsett, it was by ye Courte desired that William Bradford should make a surrender of the same into their hands. The which he willingly did, in this maner following.

Wheras William Bradford, and diverce others ye first instruments of God in the begin̅ing of this great work of plantation, togeather with such as ye allordering hand of God in his providence soone added unto them, have been at very great charges to procure ye lands, priviledges, & freedoms from all intanglments, as may appeare by diverse & sundrie deeds, inlargments of grants, purchases, and payments of debts, &c., by reason wherof ye title to ye day of these presents remaineth in ye said William Bradford, his heires, associats, and assignes: now, for ye better setling of ye estate of the said lands (contained in ye grant or pattente), the said William Bradford, and those first instruments termed & called in sondry orders upon publick recorde, Ye Purchasers, or Old comers; witnes 2. in spetiall, the one bearing date ye 3. of March, 1639. the other in Des: the 1. Ano 1640. wherunto these presents have spetiall relation & agreemente, and wherby they are distinguished from other ye freemen & inhabitants of ye said corporation. Be it knowne unto all men, therfore, by these presents, that the said William Bradford, for him selfe, his heires, together with ye said purchasers, doe only reserve unto them selves, their heires, and assignes those 3. tractes of land mentioned in ye said resolution, order, and agreemente, bearing date ye first of Des: 1640. viz. first, from ye bounds of Yarmouth, 3. miles to ye eastward of Naemschatet, and from sea to sea, crose the neck of land. The 2. of a place called Acoughcouss, which lyeth in ye botome of ye bay adjoyning to ye west-side of Pointe Perill, and 2. myles to ye westerne side of ye said river, to an other place called Acushente river, which entereth at ye westerne end of Nacata, and 2. miles to ye eastward therof, and to extend 8. myles up into ye countrie. The 3. place, from Sowansett river to Patucket river, (with Cawsumsett neck,) which is ye cheefe habitation of ye Indeans, & reserved for them to dwell upon, extending into ye land 8. myles through ye whole breadth therof. Togeather with such other small parcells of lands as they or any of them are personally possessed of or intressed in, by vertue of any former titles or grante whatsoever. And ye said William Bradford doth, by ye free & full consente, approbation, and agreemente of ye said old-planters, or purchasers, together with ye liking, approbation, and acceptation of ye other parte of ye said corporation, surrender into ye hands of ye whole courte, consisting of ye free-men of this corporation of New-Plimoth, all yt other right & title, power, authority, priviledges, immunities, & freedomes granted in ye said letters patents by ye said right Honble Counsell for New-England; reserveing his & their personall right of freemen, together wth the said old planters afforesaid, excepte ye said lands before excepted, declaring the freemen of this corporation, togeather with all such as shal be legally admitted into ye same, his associats. And ye said William Bradford, for him, his heiers, & assignes, doe hereby further promise and grant to doe & performe whatsoever further thing or things, acte or actes, which in him lyeth, which shall be needfull and expediente for ye better confirming and establishing the said premises, as by counsel lerned in ye lawes shall be reasonably advised and devised, when he shall be ther unto required. In witness wherof, the said William Bradford hath in publick courte surrendered the said letters patents actually into ye hands & power of ye said courte, binding him selfe, his heires, executors, administrators, and assignes to deliver up whatsoever spetialties are in his hands that doe or may concerne the same.

In these 2. years they had sundry letters out of England to send one over to end the buissines and accounte with Mr. Sherley; who now professed he could not make up his accounts without ye help of some from hence, espetialy Mr. Winslows. They had serious thoughts of it, and ye most parte of ye partners hear thought it best to send; but they had formerly written such bitter and threatening letters as Mr. Winslow was neither willing to goe, nor yt any other of ye partners should; for he was perswaded, if any of them wente, they should be arested, and an action of such a sum̅e layed upon them as they should not procure baele, but must lye in prison, and then they would bring them to what they liste; or other wise they might be brought into trouble by ye arch-bishops means, as ye times then stood. But, notwithstanding, they weer much inclined to send, & Captaine Standish was willing to goe, but they resolved, seeing they could not all agree in this thing, and that it was waighty, and ye consequence might prove dangerous, to take Mr. Winthrops advise in ye thing, and ye rather, because Mr. Andrews had by many letters acquaynted him with ye differences betweene them, and appoynted him for his assigne to receive his parte of ye debte. (And though they deneyed to pay him any as a debte, till ye controversie was ended, yet they had deposited 110li. in money in his hands for Mr. Andrews, to pay to him in parte as soone as he would come to any agreement with ye rest.) But Mr. Winthrop was of Mr. Winslows minde, and disswaded them from sending; so they broak of their resolution from sending, and returned this answer: that the times were dangerous as things stood with them, for they knew how Mr. Winslow had suffered formerley, and for a small matter was clapte up in ye Fleete, & it was long before he could gett out, to both his & their great loss and damage; and times were not better, but worse, in yt respecte. Yet, that their equall & honest minds might appeare to all men, they made them this tender: to refferr ye case to some gentle-men and marchants in ye Bay of ye Massachusetts, such as they should chuse, and were well knowne unto them selves, (as they perceived their wer many of their aquaintance and freinds ther, better knowne to them then ye partners hear,) and let them be informed in ye case by both sids, and have all ye evidence yt could be prodused, in writing, or other wise; and they would be bound to stand to their determination, and make good their award, though it should cost them all they had in ye world. But this did not please them, but they were offended at it, without any great reasone for ought I know, (seeing nether side could give in clear accountes, ye partners here could not, by reason they (to their smarte) were failed by ye accountante they sent them, and Mr. Sherley pretened he could not allso,) save as they conceived it a disparagmente to yeeld to their inferiours in respecte of ye place and other concurring circomstances. So this came to nothing; and afterward Mr. Sherley write, yt if Mr. Winslow would mett him in France, ye Low-Countries, or Scotland, let ye place be knowne, and he come to him ther. But in regard of ye troubles that now begane to arise in our owne nation, and other reasons, this did not come to any effecte. That which made them so desirous to bring things to an end was partly to stope ye clamours and aspertions raised & cast upon them hereaboute; though they conceived them selves to sustaine the greatest wrong, and had most cause of complainte; and partly because they feared ye fall of catle, in which most parte of their estats lay. And this was not a vaine feare; for they fell indeede before they came to a conclusion, and that so souddanly, as a cowe that but a month before was worth 20li., and would so have passed in any paymente, fell now to 5li. and would yeeld no more; and a goate that wente at 3li. or 50s. would now yeeld but 8. or 10s. at most. All men feared a fall of catle, but it was thought it would be by degrees; and not to be from ye highest pitch at once to ye lowest, as it did, which was greatly to ye damage of many, and ye undoing of some. An other reason was, they many of them grew aged, (and indeed a rare thing it was that so many partners should all live together so many years as these did,) and saw many changes were like to befall; so as they were loath to leave these intanglments upon their children and posteritie, who might be driven to remove places, as they had done; yea, them selves might doe it yet before they dyed. But this bussines must yet rest; ye next year gave it more ripnes, though it rendred them less able to pay, for ye reasons afforesaid.

Anno Dom: 1641.

Mr. Sherley being weary of this controversie, and desirous of an end, (as well as them selves,) write to Mr. John Atwode and Mr. William Collier, 2. of ye inhabitants of this place, and of his speatiall aquaintance, and desired them to be a means to bring this bussines to an end, by advising & counselling the partners hear, by some way to bring it to a composition, by mutuall agreemente. And he write to them selves allso to yt end, as by his letter may apear; so much therof as concernse ye same I shall hear relate.

Sr. My love remembered, &c. I have writte so much concerning ye ending of accounts betweexte us, as I profess I know not what more to write, &c. If you desire an end, as you seeme to doe, ther is (as I conceive) but 2. waise; that is, to parfecte all accounts, from ye first to ye last, &c. Now if we find this difficulte, and tedious, haveing not been so stricte & carefull as we should and oughte to have done, as for my owne parte I doe confess I have been somewhat to remisse, and doe verily thinke so are you, &c. I fear you can never make a perfecte accounte of all your pety viages, out, & home too & againe, &c. So then ye second way must be, by biding, or compounding; and this way, first or last, we must fall upon, &c. If we must warr at law for it, doe not you expecte from me, nether will I from you, but to cleave ye heare, and then I dare say ye lawyers will be most gainers, &c. Thus let us set to ye worke, one way or other, and end, that I may not allways suffer in my name & estate. And you are not free; nay, ye gospell suffers by your delaying, and causeth ye professors of it to be hardly spoken of, that you, being many, & now able, should combine & joyne togeather to oppress & burden me, &c. Fear not to make a faire & reasonable offer; beleeve me, I will never take any advantage to plead it against you, or to wrong you; or else let Mr. Winslow come over, and let him have such full power & authority as we may ende by compounding; or else, ye accounts so well and fully made up, as we may end by reconing. Now, blesed be God, ye times be much changed here, I hope to see many of you returne to your native countrie againe, and have such freedome & libertie as ye word of God prescribs. Our bishops were never so near a downfall as now; God hath miraculously confounded them, and turned all their popish & Machavillian plots & projects on their owne heads, &c. Thus you see what is fitt to be done concerning our perticulere greevances. I pray you take it seriously into consideration; let each give way a litle that we may meete, &c. Be you and all yours kindly saluted, &c. So I ever rest,

Your loving friend,

James Sherley.

Clapham, May 18, 1641.

Being thus by this leter, and allso by Mr. Atwodes & Mr. Colliers mediation urged to bring things to an end, (and ye continuall clamors from ye rest,) and by none more urged then by their own desires, they tooke this course (because many scandals had been raised upon them). They apoynted these 2. men before mentioned to meet on a certaine day, and called some other freinds on both sids, and Mr. Free-man, brother in law to Mr. Beachamp, and having drawne up a collection of all ye remains of ye stock, in what soever it was, as housing, boats, bark, and all implements belonging to ye same, as they were used in ye time of ye trad, were they better or worce, with ye remaines of all com̅odities, as beads, knives, hatchetts, cloth, or any thing els, as well ye refuse as ye more vendible, with all debts, as well those yt were desperate as others more hopefull; and having spent diverce days to bring this to pass, having ye helpe of all bookes and papers, which either any of them selves had, or Josias Winslow, who was their accountante; and they found ye sume in all to arise (as ye things were valued) to aboute 1400li. And they all of them tooke a voluntary but a sollem oath, in ye presence one of an other, and of all their frends, ye persons abovesaid yt were now presente, that this was all that any of them knew of, or could remember; and Josias Winslow did ye like for his parte. But ye truth is they wrongd them selves much in ye valuation, for they reconed some catle as they were taken of Mr. Allerton, as for instance a cowe in ye hands of one cost 25li. and so she was valued in this accounte; but when she came to be past away in parte of paymente, after ye agreemente, she would be accepted but a 4li. 15s. Also being tender of their oaths, they brought in all they know owing to ye stock; but they had not made ye like diligente search what ye stocke might owe to any, so as many scattering debts fell upon afterwards more then now they know of.

Upon this they drew certaine articles of agreemente betweene Mr. Atwode, on Mr. Sherleys behalfe, and them selves. The effecte is as folloeth.

Articles of agreemente made and concluded upon ye 15. day of October, 1641. &c.

Imp: Wheras ther was a partnership for diverce years agreed upon betweene James Sherley, John Beacham, and Richard Andrews, of London, marchants, and William Bradford, Edward Winslow, Thomas Prence, Myles Standish, William Brewster, John Aldon, & John Howland, wth Isaack Allerton, in a trade of beaver skines & other furrs arising in New-England; the terme of which said partnership being expired, and diverse sum̅es of money in goods adventured into New-England by ye said James Sherley, John Beachamp, & Richard Andrews, and many large returnes made from New-England by ye said William Bradford, Ed: Winslow, &c.; and differance arising aboute ye charge of 2. ships, the one called ye White Angele, of Bristow, and ye other ye Frindship, of Barnstable, and a viage intended in her, &c.; which said ships & their viages, ye said William Bradford, Ed: W. &c. conceive doe not at all appertaine to their accounts of partnership; and weras ye accounts of ye said partnership are found to be confused, and cannot orderley appeare (through ye defaulte of Josias Winslow, ye booke keeper); and weras ye said W. B. &c. have received all their goods for ye said trade from the foresaid James Sherley, and have made most of their returnes to him, by consente of ye said John Beachamp & Richard Andrews; and wheras also ye said James Sherley hath given power & authoritie to Mr. John Atwode, with ye advice & consente of William Collier, of Duxborow, for and on his behalfe, to put such an absolute end to ye said partnership, with all and every accounts, reconings, dues, claimes, demands, whatsoever, to ye said James Sherley, John Beacham, & Richard Andrews, from ye said W. B. &c. for and concerning ye said beaver trade, & also ye charge ye said 2. ships, and their viages made or pretended, whether just or unjuste, from ye worlds begining to this presente, as also for ye paimente of a purchas of 1800li. made by Isaack Allerton, for and on ye behalfe of ye said W. B., Ed: W., &c., and of ye joynt stock, shares, lands, and adventurs, what soever in New-England aforesaid, as apeareth by a deede bearing date ye 6. Novbr. 1627; and also for and from such sume and sumes of money or goods as are received by William Bradford, Tho: Prence, & Myles Standish, for ye recovery of dues, by accounts betwexte them, ye said James Sherly, John Beachamp, & Richard Andrews, and Isaack Allerton, for ye ship caled ye White Angell. Now ye said John Attwode, with advice & counsell of ye said William Collier, having had much comunication & spente diverse days in agitation of all ye said differances & accounts with ye said W. B., E. W., &c.; and ye said W. B., E. W., &c. have also, with ye said book-keeper spente much time in collecting & gathering togeither ye remainder of ye stock of partnership for ye said trade, and what soever hath beene received, or is due by ye said attorneyship before expresed, and all, and all manner of goods, debts, and dues therunto belonging, as well those debts that are weake and doubtfull and desperate, as those yt are more secure, which in all doe amounte to ye sume of 1400li. or ther aboute; and for more full satisfaction of ye said James Sherley, John Beachamp, & Richard Andrews, the said W. B. and all ye rest of ye abovesaid partners, togeither with Josias Winslow ye booke keeper, have taken a voluntarie oath, yt within ye said sume of 1400li. or theraboute, is contained whatsoever they knew, to ye utmost of their rememberance.

In consideration of all which matters & things before expressed, and to ye end yt a full, absolute, and finall end may be now made, and all suits in law may be avoyded, and love & peace continued, it is therfore agreed and concluded betweene ye said John Attwode, with ye advice & consent of ye said William Colier, for & on ye behalfe of ye said James Sherley, to and with ye said W. B., &c. in maner and forme following: viz. that ye said John Attwode shall procure a sufficiente release and discharge, under ye hands & seals of ye said James Sherley, John Beachamp, & Richard Andrews, to be delivered fayer & unconcealed unto ye said William Bradford, &c., at or before ye last day of August, next insuing ye date hereof, whereby ye said William Bradford &c., their heires, executors, & administrators, & every of them shall be fully and absolutly aquited & discharged of all actions, suits, reconings, accounts, claimes, and demands whatsoever concerning ye generall stock of beaver trade, paymente of ye said 1800li. for ye purchass, and all demands, reckonings, and accounts, just or unjuste, concerning the tow ships Whit-Angell and Frendship aforesaid, togeather with whatsoever hath been received by ye said William Bradford, of ye goods or estate of Isaack Allerton, for satisfaction of ye accounts of ye said ship called ye Whit Angele, by vertue of a lre of attourney to him, Thomas Prence, & Myles Standish, directed from ye said James Sherley, John Beachamp, & Richard Andrews, for yt purpose as afforesaid.

It is also agreed & concluded upon betweene the said parties to these presents, that the said W. B., E. W., &c. shall now be bound in 2400li. for paymente of 1200li. in full satisfaction of all demands as afforesaid; to be payed in maner & forme following; that is to say, 400li. within 2. months next after ye receite of the aforesaid releases and discharges, one hundred and ten pounds wherof is allready in ye hands of John Winthrop senior of Boston, Esquire, by the means of Mr. Richard Andrews afforesaid, and 80li. waight of beaver now deposited into ye hands of ye said John Attwode, to be both in part of paimente of ye said 400li. and ye other 800li. to be payed by 200li. p̲r an̅ume, to such assignes as shall be appointed, inhabiting either in Plimoth or Massachusetts Bay, in such goods & comodities, and at such rates, as the countrie shall afford at ye time of delivery & paymente; and in ye mean time ye said bond of 2400li. to be deposited into ye hands of ye said John Attwode. And it is agreed upon by & betweene ye said parties to these presents, that if ye said John Attwode shall not or cannot procure such said releases & discharges as afforesaid from ye said James Sherley, John Bachamp, & Richard Andrews, at or before ye last day of August next insuing ye date hear of, yt then ye said John Attwode shall, at ye said day precisely, redeliver, or cause to be delivered unto ye said W. B., E. W., &c. their said bond of 2400li. and ye said 80li. waight of beaver, or ye due valew therof, without any fraud or further delay; and for performance of all & singuler ye covenants and agreements hearin contained and expressed, which on ye one parte and behalfe of ye said James Sherley are to be observed & performed, shall become bound in ye sum̅e of 2400li. to them, ye said William Bradford, Edward Winslow, Thomas Prence, Myles Standish, William Brewster, John Allden, and John Howland. And it is lastly agreed upon betweene ye said parties, that these presents shall be left in trust, to be kepte for boath parties, in ye hands of Mr. John Reanour, teacher of Plimoth. In witnes wherof, all ye said parties have hereunto severally sett their hands, ye day and year first above writen.

John Atwode, William Bradford, Edward Winslow, &c. In ye presence of

Edmond Freeman,
William Thomas,
William Pady,
Nathaniell Souther.

The nexte year this long and tedious bussines came to some issue, as will then appeare, though not to a finall ende with all ye parties; but this much for ye presente.

I had forgoten to inserte in its place how ye church here had invited and sent for Mr. Charles Chansey, a reverend, godly, and very larned man, intending upon triall to chose him pastor of ye church hear, for ye more comfortable performance of ye ministrie with Mr. John Reinor, the teacher of the same. But ther fell out some differance aboute baptising, he holding it ought only to be by diping, and putting ye whole body under water, and that sprinkling was unlawfull. The church yeelded that immersion, or dipping, was lawfull, but in this could countrie not so conveniente. But they could not nor durst not yeeld to him in this, that sprinkling (which all ye churches of Christ doe for ye most parte use at this day) was unlawfull, & an humane invention, as ye same was prest; but they were willing to yeeld to him as far as yey could, & to ye utmost; and were contented to suffer him to practise as he was perswaded; and when he came to minister that ordnance, he might so doe it to any yt did desire it in yt way, provided he could peacably suffer Mr. Reinor, and such as desired to have theirs otherwise baptised by him, by sprinkling or powering on of water upon them; so as ther might be no disturbance in ye church hereaboute. But he said he could not yeeld herunto. Upon which the church procured some other ministers to dispute ye pointe with him publikly; as Mr. Ralfe Partrich, of Duxberie, who did it sundrie times, very ablie and sufficently, as allso some other ministers within this govermente. But he was not satisfied; so ye church sent to many other churches to crave their help and advise in this mater, and, with his will & consente, sent them his arguments writen under his owne hand. They sente them to ye church at Boston in ye Bay of Massachusets, to be comunicated with other churches ther. Also they sent ye same to the churches of Conightecutt and New-Haven, with sundrie others; and received very able & sufficent answers, as they conceived, from them and their larned ministers, who all concluded against him. But him selfe was not satisfied therwth. Their answers are too large hear to relate. They conceived ye church had done what was meete in ye thing, so Mr. Chansey, having been ye most parte of 3. years here, removed him selfe to Sityate, wher he now remaines a minister to ye church ther. Also about these times, now yt catle & other things begane greatly to fall from their former rates, and persons begane to fall into more straits, and many being allready gone from them, (as is noted before,) both to Duxberie, Marshfeeld, and other places, & those of ye cheefe sorte, as Mr. Winslow, Captaine Standish, Mr. Allden, and many other, & stille some dropping away daly, and some at this time, and many more unsetled, it did greatly weaken ye place, and by reason of ye straitnes and barrennes of ye place, it sett ye thoughts of many upon removeall; as will appere more hereafter.

Anno Dom: 1642.

Marvilous it may be to see and consider how some kind of wickednes did grow & breake forth here, in a land wher the same was so much witnesed against, and so narrowly looked unto, & severly punished when it was knowne; as in no place more, or so much, that I have known or heard of; insomuch as they have been somewhat censured, even by moderate and good men, for their severitie in punishments. And yet all this could not suppress ye breaking out of sundrie notorious sins, (as this year, besids other, gives us too many sad presidents and instances,) espetially drunkennes and unclainnes; not only incontinencie betweene persons unmaried, for which many both men & women have been punished sharply enough, but some maried persons allso. But that which is worse, even sodomie and bugerie, (things fearfull to name,) have broak forth in this land, oftener then once. I say it may justly be marveled at, and cause us to fear & tremble at the consideration of our corrupte natures, which are so hardly bridled, subdued, & mortified; nay, cannot by any other means but ye powerfull worke & grace of Gods spirite. But (besids this) one reason may be, that ye Divell may carrie a greater spite against the churches of Christ and ye gospell hear, by how much ye more they indeaour to preserve holynes and puritie amongst them, and strictly punisheth the contrary when it ariseth either in church or comone wealth; that he might cast a blemishe & staine upon them in ye eyes of [ye] world, who use to be rash in judgmente. I would rather thinke thus, then that Satane hath more power in these heathen lands, as som have thought, then in more Christian nations, espetially over Gods servants in them.

2. An other reason may be, that it may be in this case as it is with waters when their streames are stopped or dam̅ed up, when they gett passage they flow with more violence, and make more noys and disturbance, then when they are suffered to rune quietly in their owne chanels. So wikednes being here more stopped by strict laws, and ye same more nerly looked unto, so as it cannot rune in a comone road of liberty as it would, and is inclined, it searches every wher, and at last breaks out wher it getts vente.

3. A third reason may be, hear (as I am verily perswaded) is not more evills in this kind, nor nothing nere so many by proportion, as in other places; but they are here more discoverd and seen, and made publick by due serch, inquisition, and due punishment; for ye churches looke narrowly to their members, and ye magistrats over all, more strictly then in other places. Besids, here the people are but few in comparison of other places, which are full & populous, and lye hid, as it were, in a wood or thickett, and many horrible evills by yt means are never seen nor knowne; wheras hear, they are, as it were, brought into ye light, and set in ye plaine feeld, or rather on a hill, made conspicuous to ye veiw of all.

But to proceede; yer came a letter from ye Govr in ye Bay to them here, touching matters of ye forementioned nature, which because it may be usefull I shall hear relate it, and ye passages ther aboute.

Sr: Having an opportunitie to signifie ye desires of our Generall Court in toow things of spetiall importance, I willingly take this occasion to imparte them to you, yt you may imparte them to ye rest of your magistrats, and also to your Elders, for counsell; and give us your advise in them. The first is concerning heinous offences in point of uncleannes; ye perticuler cases, with ye circomstances, and ye questions ther upon, you have hear inclosed. The 2. thing is concerning ye Ilanders at Aquidnett; yt seeing the cheefest of them are gone from us, in offences, either to churches, or com̅one welth, or both; others are dependants on them, and ye best sorte are such as close with them in all their rejections of us. Neither is it only in a faction yt they are devided from us, but in very deed they rend them selves from all ye true churches of Christ, and, many of them, from all ye powers of majestracie. We have had some experience hereof by some of their underworkers, or emissaries, who have latly come amongst us, and have made publick defiance against magistracie, ministrie, churches, & church covenants, &c. as antichristian; secretly also sowing ye seeds of Familisme, and Anabaptistrie, to ye infection of some, and danger of others; so that we are not willing to joyne with them in any league or confederacie at all, but rather that you would consider & advise with us how we may avoyd them, and keep ours from being infected by them. Another thing I should mention to you, for ye maintenance of ye trad of beaver; if ther be not a company to order it in every jurisdition among ye English, which companies should agree in generall of their way in trade, I supose that ye trade will be overthrowne, and the Indeans will abuse us. For this cause we have latly put it into order amongst us, hoping of incouragmente from you (as we have had) yt we may continue ye same. Thus not further to trouble you, I rest, with my loving remembrance to your selfe, &c.

Your loving friend,

Ri: Bellingham.

Boston, 28. (1.) 1642.

The note inclosed follows on ye other side.

Worthy & beloved Sr:

Your letter (with ye questions inclosed) I have comunicated with our Assistants, and we have refered ye answer of them to such Revēd Elders as are amongst us, some of whose answers thertoo we have here sent you inclosed, under their owne hands; from ye rest we have not yet received any. Our farr distance hath bene ye reason of this long delay, as also yt they could not conferr their counsells togeather.

For our selves, (you know our breedings & abillities,) we rather desire light from your selves, & others, whom God hath better inabled, then to presume to give our judgments in cases so difficulte and of so high a nature. Yet under correction, and submission to better judgments, we propose this one thing to your prudent considerations. As it seems to us, in ye case even of willfull murder, that though a man did smite or wound an other, with a full pourpose or desire to kill him, (wch is murder in a high degree, before God,) yet if he did not dye, the magistrate was not to take away ye others life. So by proportion in other grosse & foule sines, though high attempts & nere approaches to ye same be made, and such as in the sight & account of God may be as ill as ye accomplishmente of ye foulest acts of yt sine, yet we doute whether it may be safe for ye magistrate to proceed to death; we thinke, upon ye former grounds, rather he may not. As, for instance, in ye case of adultrie, (if it be admitted yt it is to be punished wth death, which to some of us is not cleare,) if ye body be not actually defiled, then death is not to be inflicted. So in sodomie, & beastialitie, if ther be not penetration. Yet we confess foulnes of circomstances, and frequencie in ye same, doth make us remaine in ye darke, and desire further light from you, or any, as God shall give.

As for ye 2. thing, concerning ye Ilanders? we have no conversing with them, nor desire to have, furder then necessitie or humanity may require.

And as for trade? we have as farr as we could ever therin held an orderly course, & have been sory to see ye spoyle therof by others, and fear it will hardly be recovered. But in these, or any other things which may concerne ye com̅one good, we shall be willing to advise & concure with you in what we may. Thus wth my love remembered to your selfe, and ye rest of our worthy friends, your Assistants, I take leave, & rest,

Your loving friend,

W. B.

Plim: 17. 3. month, 1642.

Now follows ye ministers answers. And first Mr. Reynors.

Qest: What sodmiticall acts are to be punished with death, & what very facte (ipso facto) is worthy of death, or, if ye fact it selfe be not capitall, what circomstances concurring may make it capitall?

Ans: In ye judiciall law (ye moralitie wherof concerneth us) it is manyfest yt carnall knowledg of man, or lying wth man, as with woman, cum penetratione corporis, was sodomie, to be punished with death; what els can be understood by Levit: 18. 22. & 20. 13. & Gen: 19. 5? 2ly. It seems allso yt this foule sine might be capitall, though ther was not penitratio corporis, but only contactus & fricatio usq̃ ad effusionem seminis, for these reasons: 1. Because it was sin to be punished with death, Levit. 20. 13. in ye man who was lyen withall, as well as in him yt lyeth with him; now his sin is not mitigated wher ther is not penitration, nor augmented wher it is; wheras its charged upon ye women, yt they were guilty of this unnaturall sine, as well as men, Rom. 1. 26. 27. Ye same thing doth furder apeare, 2. because of yt proportion betwexte this sin & beastialitie, wherin if a woman did stand before, or aproach to, a beast, for yt end, to lye downe therto, (whether penetration was or not,) it was capitall, Levit: 18. 23. & 20. 16. 3ly. Because something els might be equivalent to penetration wher it had not been, viz. ye fore mentioned acts with frequencie and long continuance with a high hand, utterly extinguishing all light of nature; besids, full intention and bould attempting of ye foulest acts may seeme to have been capitall here, as well as coming presumptuously to slay with guile was capitall. Exod: 21. 14.

Yet it is not so manyfest yt ye same acts were to be punished with death in some other sines of uncleannes, wch yet by ye law of God were capitall crimes; besids other reasons, (1.) because sodomie, & also beastialitie, is more against ye light of nature then some other capitall crimes of unclainnes, which reason is to be attended unto, as yt which most of all made this sin capitall; (2.) because it might be com̅ited with more secrecie & less suspition, & therfore needed ye more to be restrained & suppresed by ye law; (3ly) because ther was not ye like reason & degree of sin̅ing against family & posteritie in this sin as in some other capitall sines of uncleannes.

2. Quest: How farr a magistrate may extracte a confession from a delinquente, to acuse him selfe of a capitall crime, seeing Nemo tenetur prodere seipsum.

Ans: A majestrate cannot without sin neglecte diligente inquision into ye cause brought before him. Job 29. 16. Pro: 24. 11. 12. & 25. 2. (2ly.) If it be manifest yt a capitall crime is committed, & yt comone reporte, or probabilitie, suspition, or some complainte, (or ye like,) be of this or yt person, a magistrate ought to require, and by all due means to procure from ye person (so farr allready bewrayed) a naked confession of ye fact, as apears by yt which is morall & of perpetuall equitie, both in ye case of uncertaine murder, Deut: 21. 1. 9. and slander, Deut: 22. 13. 21; for though nemo tenetur prodere seipsum, yet by that wch may be known to ye magistrat by ye forenamed means, he is bound thus to doe, or els he may betray his countrie & people to ye heavie displeasure of God, Levit: 18. 24. 25. Jos: 22. 18. Psa: 106. 30; such as are in̅ocente to ye sinfull, base, cruell lusts of ye profane, & such as are delinquents, and others with them, into ye hands of ye stronger temptations, & more bouldness, & hardnes of harte, to com̅ite more & worse villany, besids all ye guilt & hurt he will bring upon him selfe. (3ly.) To inflicte some punishmente meerly for this reason, to extracte a conffession of a capitall crime, is contrary to ye nature of vindictive justice, which always hath respecte to a know̅ crime com̅itited by ye person punished; and it will therfore, for any thing which can before be knowne, be ye provocking and forcing of wrath, compared to ye wringing of ye nose, Pro: 30. 33. which is as well forbiden ye fathers of ye countrie as of ye family, Ephe. 6. 4. as produsing many sad & dangerous effects. That an oath (ex officio) for such a purpose is no due means, hath been abundantly proved by ye godly learned, & is well known.

Q. 3. In what cases of capitall crimes one witnes with other circomstances shall be sufficiente to convince? or is ther no conviction without 2. witneses?

Ans: In taking away ye life of man, one witnes alone will not suffice, ther must be tow, or yt which is instar; ye texts are manifest, Numb: 35. 30. Deut: 17. 6. & 19. 15. 2ly. Ther may be conviction by one witnes, & some thing yt hath ye force of another, as ye evidencie of ye fact done by such an one, & not an other; unforced confession when ther was no fear or danger of suffering for ye fact, hand writings acknowledged & confessed.

John Reynor.

Mr. Partrich his writing, in ans: to ye questions.

What is yt sodomiticall acte which is to be punished with death?

Though I conceive probable yt a voluntary effusion of seed per modum concubitus of man with man, as of a man with woman, though in concubitu ther be not penetratio corporis, is yt sin which is forbiden, Levit: 18. 22. & adjudged to be punished with death, Levit: 20. 13. because, though ther be not penetratio corporis, yet ther may be similitudo concubitus muliebris, which is yt the law specifieth; yet I dar not be con- (1.) because, Gen: 19. 5. ye intended acte of ye Sodomits (who were ye first noted maisters of this unnaturall act of more then brutish filthines) is expressed by carnall copulation of man with woman: Bring them out unto us, yt we may know them; (2ly.) because it is observed among ye nations wher this unnaturall unclainnes is com̅ited, it is wth penetration of ye body; (3ly.) because, in ye judiciall proceedings of ye judges in England, ye indict: so rune (as I have been informed).

Q. How farr may a magistrat extracte a confession of a capitall crime from a suspected and an accused person?

Ans. I conceive yt a magistrate is bound, by carfull examenation of circomstances & waighing of probabilities, to sifte ye accused, and by force of argumente to draw him to an acknowledgment of ye truth; but he may not extracte a confession of a capitall crime from a suspected person by any violent means, whether it be by an oath imposed, or by any punishmente inflicted or threatened to be inflicted, for so he may draw forth an acknowledgmente of a crime from a fearfull in̅ocente; if guilty, he shall be compelled to be his owne accuser, when no other can, which is against ye rule of justice.

Q. In what cases of capitall crimes one witnes with other circomstances shall be sufficente to convicte; or is ther no conviction without two witnesses?

Ans: I conceive yt, in ye case of capitall crimes, ther can be no safe proceedings unto judgmente without too witnesses, as Numb: 35. 30. Deut: 19. 15. excepte ther can some evidence be prodused as aveilable & firme to prove ye facte as a witnes is, then one witnes may suffice; for therin ye end and equitie of ye law is attained. But to proceede unto sentence of death upon presumptions, wher probably ther may subesse falsum, though ther be ye testimony of one wittnes, I supose it cannot be a safe way; better for such a one to be held in safe custodie for further triall, I conceive.

Ralph Partrich.

The Answer of Mr. Charles Chancy.

An contactus et fricatio usq̃ ad seminis effusiōnem sine penetratione corporis sit sodomia morte plectenda?

Q. The question is what sodomiticall acts are to be punished wth death, & what very facte committed, (ipso facto,) is worthy of death, or if ye facte it selfe be not capitall, what circomstances concuring may make it capitall. The same question may be asked of rape, inceste, beastialitie, unnaturall sins, presumtuous sins. These be ye words of ye first question.

Ans: The answer unto this I will lay downe (as God shall directe by his word & spirite) in these following conclusions: (1.) That ye judicials of Moyses, that are appendances to ye morall law, & grounded on ye law of nature, or ye decalogue, are im̅utable, and ppetuall, wch all orthodox devines acknowledge; see ye authors following. Luther, Tom. 1. Whitenberge: fol. 435. & fol. 7. Melanethon, in loc: com loco de conjugio. Calvin, 1. 4. Institu. c. 4. sect. 15. Junious de politia Moysis, thes. 29. & 30. Hen: Bulin: Decad. 3. sermo. 8. Wolf: Muscu. loc: com: in 6. precepti explicaci: Bucer de regno Christi, 1. 2. c. 17. Theo: Beza, vol: 1. de hereti: puniendis, fol. 154. Zanch: in 3. præcept: Ursin: Pt. 4. explicat. contra John. Piscat: in Aphorismi Loc. de lege dei aphorism. 17. And more might be added. I forbear, for brevities sake, to set downe their very words; this being ye constante & generall oppinion of ye best devines, I will rest in this as undoubtedly true, though much more might be said to confirme it.

2. That all ye sin̅es mentioned in ye question were punished with death by ye judiciall law of Moyses, as adultry, Levit: 20. 10. Deut: 22. 22. Esech: 16. 38. Jhon. 8. 5. which is to be understood not only of double adultrie, when as both parties are maried, (as some conceive,) but whosoever (besids her husband) lyes with a married woman, whether ye man be maried or not, as in ye place, Deut: 22. 22. or whosoever, being a maried man, lyeth with another woman (besids his wife), as P. Martire saith, loc: com: which in diverce respects maks ye sine worse on ye maried mans parte; for ye Lord in this law hath respect as well to publick honesty, (the sin being so prejudicall to ye church & state,) as ye private wrongs (saith Junious). So incest is to be punished with death, Levit: 20. 11. 22. Beastiality likwise, Lev: 20. 15. Exod: 22. 19. Raps in like maner, Deut: 22. 25. Sodomie in like sort, Levit: 18. 22. & 20. 13. And all presumptuous sins, Numb: 15. 30. 31.

3. That ye punishmente of these foule sines wth death is grounded on ye law of nature, & is agreeable to the morall law. (1.) Because ye reasons an̅exed shew them to be perpetuall. Deut. 22. 22. So shalt thou put away evill. Incest, beastiality, are caled confusion, & wickednes. (2.) Infamie to ye whole humane nature, Levit: 22. 12. Levit: 18. 23. Raps are as murder, Deut: 22. 25. Sodomie is an abomination, Levit: 22. 22. No holier & juster laws can be devised by any man or angele then have been by ye Judg of all ye world, the wisdome of ye Father, by whom kings doe raigne, &c. (3.) Because, before ye giving of ye Law, this punishmente was anciently practised, Gen: 26. 11. 38. 29. 39. 20. & even by the heathen, by ye very light of nature, as P. Martire shews. (4ly.) Because ye land is defiled by such sins, and spews out ye inhabitants, Levit: 18. 24, 25. & that in regard of those nations yt were not acquainted wth the law of Moyses. 5. All ye devins above specified consent in this, that ye unclean acts punishable with death by ye law of God are not only ye grose acts of uncleannes by way of carnall copulation, but all ye evidente attempts therof, which may appeare by those severall words yt are used by ye spirite of God, expressing ye sins to be punished with death; as ye discovering of nakednes, Levit: 18. 20. which is retegere pudenda, as parts pr euphemismum (saith Junius), or detegere ad cubandum (saith Willett), to uncover ye shamefull parts of ye body (saith Ainsworth), which, though it reaches to ye grose acts, yet it is plaine it doth comprehend ye other foregoing immodest attempts, as contactum, fricationem, &c.; likwise ye phrase of lying with, so often used, doth not only signifie carnall copulation, but other obscene acts, prceding ye same, is implyed in Pauls word [Greek: arsenokoitai], 1. Cor: 6. 9. & men lying with men, 1. Tim: 1. 9. men defiling them selves wth mankind, men burning with lust towards men, Rom: 1. 26. & Levit: 18. 22. sodom & sin going after strange flesh, Jud: v. 7. 8. and lying with mankind as with a woman, Levit: 18. 22. Abulentis says yt it signifies omnes modos quibus masculus masculo abutatur, changing ye naturall use into yt which is against nature, Rom: 1. 26. arrogare sibi cubare, as Junius well translats Levit: 20. 15. to give consente to lye withall, so approaching to a beast, & lying downe therto, Levit: 20. 16. ob solum conatú (saith Willett) or for going about to doe it. Add to this a notable speech of Zepperus de legibus (who hath enough to end controversies of this nature). L. 1. he saith: In crimine adulterii voluntas (understanding manifeste) sine effectu subsecuto de jure attenditur; and he proves it out of good laws, in these words: Solicitatores alien̅um nuptiām itemq̃ matrimonīum interpellatores, etsi effectu sceleris potiri non possunt, propter voluntatem tamen perniciosæ libidinis extra ordinem puniuntur; nam generale est quidem affectū sine effectu [non] puniri, sed contrarium observatur in atrocioribus & horum similibus.

5. In concluding punishments from ye judiciall law of Moyses yt is perpetuall, we must often prceed by analogicall proportion & interpretation, as a paribus similibus, minore ad majus, &c.; for ther will still fall out some cases, in every com̅one-wealth, which are not in so many words extante in holy write, yet ye substance of ye matter in every kind (I conceive under correction) may be drawne and concluded out of ye scripture by good consequence of an equevalent nature; as, for example, ther is no express law against destroying conception in ye wombe by potions, yet by anologie with Exod: 21. 22, 23. we may reason yt life is to be given for life. Againe, ye question, An contactus & fricatio, &c., and methinks yt place Gen: 38. 9. in ye punishmente of Onans sin, may give some cleare light to it; it was (saith Pareus) beluina crudelitas quam Deus pari loco cum parricidio habuit, nam semen corrumpere, quid fuit aliud quam hominem ex semine generandum occidere? Propterea juste a Deo occisus est. Observe his words. And againe, Discamus quantopere Deus abominetur omnem seminis genitalis abusum, illicitā effusionem, & corruptionē, &c., very pertinente to this case. That allso is considerable, Deut: 25. 11, 12. God comanded yt, if any wife drue nigh to deliver her husband out of ye hand of him yt smiteth him, &c., her hand should be cutt off. Yet such a woman in yt case might say much for her selfe, yt what she did was in trouble & perplexitie of her minde, & in her husbands defence; yet her hand must be cutt of for such impuritie (and this is morall, as I conceive). Then we may reason from ye less to ye greater, what greevous sin in ye sight of God it is, by ye instigation of burning lusts, set on fire of hell, to proceede to contactum & fricationem ad emissionem seminis, &c., & yt contra naturam, or to attempte ye grosse acts of unnaturall filthines. Againe, if yt unnaturall lusts of men with men, or woman with woman, or either with beasts, be to be punished with death, then a pari naturall lusts of men towards children under age are so to be punished.

6. Circumstantiæ variant vis e actiunes, (saith ye lawiers,) & circomstances in these cases cannot possibly be all reckēd up; but God hath given laws for those causes & cases that are of greatest momente, by which others are to be judged of, as in ye differance betwixte chanc medley, & willfull murder; so in ye sins of uncleannes, it is one thing to doe an acte of uncleannes by sudden temptation, & another to lye in waite for it, yea, to make a com̅une practise of it; this mightily augments & multiplies ye sin. Againe, some sin̅es of this nature are simple, others compound, as yt is simple adultrie, or inceste, or simple sodomie; but when ther is a mixture of diverce kinds of lust, as when adultery & sodomie & p̲rditio seminis goe togeather in ye same acte of uncleannes, this is capitall, double, & trible. Againe, when adultrie or sodomie is com̅ited by p̲fessors or church members, I fear it coms too near ye sine of ye preists daughters, forbidden, & comanded to be punished, Levit: 21. 9. besids ye presumption of ye sin̅es of such. Againe, when uncleannes is comited with those whose chastity they are bound to pʾserve, this coms very nere the incestious copulation, I feare; but I must hasten to ye other questions.

2. Question ye second, upon ye pointe of examination, how farr a magistrate may extracte a confession from a delinquente to accuse him selfe in a capitall crime, seeing Nemo tenetur prodere seipsum.

Ans: The words of ye question may be understood of extracting a confession from a delinquente either by oath or bodily tormente. If it be mente of extracting by requiring an oath, (ex officio, as some call it,) & that in capitall crimes, I fear it is not safe, nor warented by Gods word, to extracte a confession from a delinquente by an oath in matters of life and death. (1.) Because ye practise in ye Scripturs is other wise, as in ye case of Achan, Jos: 7. 19. Give, I pray ye, glorie to ye Lord God of Israll, and make a confession to him, & tell me how thou hast done. He did not compell him to sweare. So when as Johnathans life was indangered, 1. Sam. 14. 43. Saule said unto Johnathan, Tell me what thou hast done; he did not require an oath. And notable is yt, Jer: 38. 14. Jeremiah was charged by Zedechias, who said, I will aske the a thing, hide it not from me; & Jeremiah said, If I declare it unto ye, wilt thou not surely put me to death? impling yt, in case of death, he would have refused to answer him. (2.) Reason shews it, & experience; Job: 2. 4. Skin for skin, &c. It is to be feared yt those words (whatsoever a man hath) will comprehend also ye conscience of an oath, and ye fear of God, and all care of religion; therfore for laying a snare before ye guiltie, I think it ought not to be donn. But now, if ye question be mente of inflicting bodyly torments to extracte a confession from a mallefactor, I conceive yt in maters of higest consequence, such as doe conceirne ye saftie or ruine of stats or countries, magistrats may proceede so farr to bodily torments, as racks, hote-irons, &c., to extracte a conffession, espetially wher presumptions are strounge; but otherwise by no means. God sometims hids a sinner till his wickednes is filled up.

Question 3. In what cases of capitall crimes, one witnes with other circumstances shall be sufficente to convicte, or is ther no conviction without 2. witneses?

Deut: 19. 25. God hath given an express rule yt in no case one witness shall arise in judgmente, espetially not in capitall cases. God would not put our lives into ye power of any one toungue. Besids, by ye examination of more wittneses agreeing or disagreeing, any falshood ordenarilly may be discovered; but this is to be understood of one witnes of another; but if a man witnes against him selfe, his owne testimony is sufficente, as in ye case of ye Amalakite, 2. Sam: 1. 16. Againe, when ther are sure & certaine signes & evidences by circumstances, ther needs no witnes in this case, as in ye bussines of Adoniah desiring Abishage ye Shunamite to wife, that therby he might make way for him selfe unto ye kingdome, 1. King: 2. 23, 24. Againe, probably by many concurring circumstances, if probability may have ye strength of a witnes, somthing may be this way gathered, me thinks, from Sallomons judging betweexte ye true mother, and ye harlote, 1. King. 3. 25. Lastly, I see no cause why in waighty matters, in defecte of witneses & other proofes, we may not have recourse to a lott, as in ye case of Achan, Josu: 7. 16. which is a clearer way in such doubtfull cases (it being solemnely & religiously performed) then any other that I know, if it be made ye last refuge. But all this under correction.

The Lord in mercie directe & prosper ye desires of his servants that desire to walk before him in truth & righteousnes in the administration of justice, and give them wisdome and largnes of harte.

Charles Channcy.

Besids ye occation before mentioned in these writings concerning the abuse of those 2. children, they had aboute ye same time a case of buggerie fell out amongst them, which occasioned these questions, to which these answers have been made.

And after ye time of ye writīg of these things befell a very sadd accidente of the like foule nature in this govermente, this very year, which I shall now relate. Ther was a youth whose name was Thomas Granger; he was servant to an honest man of Duxbery, being aboute 16. or 17. years of age. (His father & mother lived at the same time at Sityate.) He was this year detected of buggery (and indicted for ye same) with a mare, a cowe, tow goats, five sheep, 2. calves, and a turkey. Horrible it is to mention, but ye truth of ye historie requires it. He was first discovered by one yt accidentally saw his lewd practise towards the mare. (I forbear perticulers.) Being upon it examined and com̅itted, in ye end he not only confest ye fact with that beast at that time, but sundrie times before, and at severall times with all ye rest of ye forenamed in his indictmente; and this his free-confession was not only in private to ye magistrats, (though at first he strived to deney it,) but to sundrie, both ministers & others, and afterwards, upon his indictmente, to ye whole court & jury; and confirmed it at his execution. And wheras some of ye sheep could not so well be knowne by his description of them, others with them were brought before him, and he declared which were they, and which were not. And accordingly he was cast by ye jury, and condemned, and after executed about ye 8. of Septr, 1642. A very sade spectakle it was; for first the mare, and then ye cowe, and ye rest of ye lesser catle, were kild before his face, according to ye law, Levit: 20. 15. and then he him selfe was executed. The catle were all cast into a great & large pitte that was digged of purposs for them, and no use made of any part of them.

Upon ye examenation of this person, and also of a former that had made some sodomiticall attempts upon another, it being demanded of them how they came first to ye knowledge and practice of such wickednes, the one confessed he had long used it in old England; and this youth last spoaken of said he was taught it by an other that had heard of such things from some in England when he was ther, and they kept catle togeather. By which it appears how one wicked person may infecte many; and what care all ought to have what servants they bring into their families.

But it may be demanded how came it to pass that so many wicked persons and profane people should so quickly come over into this land, & mixe them selves amongst them? seeing it was religious men yt begane ye work, and they came for religions sake. I confess this may be marveilled at, at least in time to come, when the reasons therof should not be knowne; and ye more because here was so many hardships and wants mett withall. I shall therfore indeavor to give some answer hereunto. And first, according to yt in ye gospell, it is ever to be remembred that wher ye Lord begins to sow good seed, ther ye envious man will endeavore to sow tares. 2. Men being to come over into a wildernes, in which much labour & servise was to be done aboute building & planting, &c., such as wanted help in yt respecte, when they could not have such as yey would, were glad to take such as they could; and so, many untoward servants, sundry of them proved, that were thus brought over, both men & women kind: who, when their times were expired, became families of them selves, which gave increase hereunto. 3. An other and a maine reason hearof was, that men, finding so many godly disposed persons willing to come into these parts, some begane to make a trade of it, to transeport passengers & their goods, and hired ships for that end; and then, to make up their fraight and advance their profite, cared not who ye persons were, so they had money to pay them. And by this means the cuntrie became pestered with many unworthy persons, who, being come over, crept into one place or other. 4. Againe, the Lords blesing usually following his people, as well in outward as spirituall things, (though afflictions be mixed withall,) doe make many to adhear to ye people of God, as many followed Christ, for ye loaves sake, John 6. 26. and a mixed multitud came into ye willdernes with ye people of God out of Eagipte of old, Exod. 12. 38; so allso ther were sente by their freinds some under hope yt they would be made better; others that they might be eased of such burthens, and they kept from shame at home yt would necessarily follow their dissolute courses. And thus, by one means or other, in 20. years time, it is a question whether ye greater part be not growne ye worser.

I am now come to ye conclusion of that long & tedious bussines betweene ye partners hear, & them in England, the which I shall manifest by their owne letters as followeth, in such parts of them as are pertinente to ye same.

Mr. Sherleys to Mr. Attwood.

Mr. Attwood, my approved loving friend: Your letter of ye 18. of October last I have received, wherin I find you have taken a great deall of paines and care aboute yt troublesome bussines betwixte our Plimoth partners & freinds, & us hear, and have deeply ingaged your selfe, for which complements & words are no reall satisfaction, &c. For ye agreemente you have made with Mr. Bradford, Mr. Winslow, & ye rest of ye partners ther, considering how honestly and justly I am perswaded they have brought in an accounte of ye remaining stock, for my owne parte I am well satisfied, and so I thinke is Mr. Andrewes, and I supose will be Mr. Beachampe, if most of it might acrew to him, to whom ye least is due, &c. And now for peace sake, and to conclud as we began, lovingly and freindly, and to pass by all failings of all, the conclude is accepted of; I say this agreemente yt you have made is condesended unto, and Mr. Andrews hath sent his release to Mr. Winthrop, with such directions as he conceives fitt; and I have made bould to trouble you with mine, and we have both sealed in ye presence of Mr. Weld, and Mr. Peeters, and some others, and I have also sente you an other, for the partners ther, to seale to me; for you must not deliver mine to them, excepte they seale & deliver one to me; this is fitt and equall, &c.

Yours to com̅and in what I may or can,

James Sherley.

June 14. 1642.

His to ye partners as followeth.

Loving freinds,

Mr. Bradford, Mr. Winslow, Mr. Prence, Captaine Standish, Mr. Brewster, Mr. Alden, & Mr. Howland, give me leave to joyne you all in one letter, concerning ye finall end & conclude of yt tedious & troublsome bussines, & I thinke I may truly say uncomfurtable & unprofitable to all, &c. It hath pleased God now to put us upon a way to sease all suits, and disquieting of our spirites, and to conclude with peace and love, as we began. I am contented to yeeld & make good what Mr. Attwood and you have agreed upon; and for yt end have sente to my loving friend, Mr. Attwood, an absolute and generall release unto you all, and if ther wante any thing to make it more full, write it your selves, & it shall be done, provided yt all you, either joyntly or severally, seale ye like discharge to me. And for yt end I have drawne one joyntly, and sent it to Mr. Attwood, with yt I have sealed to you. Mr. Andrews hath sealed an aquitance also, & sent it to Mr. Winthrop, whith such directions as he conceived fitt, and, as I hear, hath given his debte, which he maks 544li. unto ye gentlemen of ye Bay. Indeed, Mr. Welld, Mr. Peters, & Mr. Hibbens have taken a great deale of paines with Mr. Andrews, Mr. Beachamp, & my selfe, to bring us to agree, and to yt end we have had many meetings and spent much time aboute it. But as they are very religious & honest gentle-men, yet they had an end yt they drove at & laboured to accomplish (I meane not any private end, but for ye generall good of their patente). It had been very well you had sent one over. Mr. Andrew wished you might have one 3. parte of ye 1200li. & the Bay 2. thirds; but then we 3. must have agreed togeather, which were a hard mater now. But Mr. Weld, Mr. Peters, & Mr. Hibbens, & I, have agreed, they giving you bond (so to compose with Mr. Beachamp, as) to procure his generall release, & free you from all trouble & charge yt he may put you too; which indeed is nothing, for I am perswaded Mr. Weld will in time gaine him to give them all that is dew to him, which in some sorte is granted allready; for though his demands be great, yet Mr. Andrewes hath taken some paines in it, and makes it appear to be less then I thinke he will consente to give them for so good an use; so you neede not fear, that for taking bond ther to save you harmles, you be safe and well. Now our accord is, yt you must pay to ye gentle-men of ye Bay 900li.; they are to bear all chargs yt may any way arise concerning ye free & absolute clearing of you from us three. And you to have ye other 300li. &c.

Upon ye receiving of my release from you, I will send you your bonds for ye purchass money. I would have sent them now, but I would have Mr. Beachamp release as well as I, because you are bound to him in them. Now I know if a man be bound to 12. men, if one release, it is as if all released, and my discharge doth cutt them of; wherfore doubte you not but you shall have them, & your commission, or any thing els that is fitt. Now you know ther is tow years of ye purchass money, that I would not owne, for I have formerley certified you yt would but pay 7. years; but now you are discharged of all, &c.

Your loving and kind friend in what I may or can,

James Sherley.

June 14. 1642.

The coppy of his release is as followeth.

Wheras diverce questions, differences, & demands have arisen & depended betweene William Bradford, Edward Winslow, Thomas Prence, Mylest Standish, William Brewster, John Allden, and John Howland, gent: now or latly inhabitants or resident at New-Plimoth, in New-England, on ye one party, and James Sherley of London, marchante, and others, in th' other parte, for & concerning a stocke & partable trade of beaver & other comodities, and fraighting of ships, as ye White Angell, Frindship, or others, and ye goods of Isaack Allerton which were seazed upon by vertue of a leter of atturney made by ye said James Sherley and John Beachamp and Richard Andrews, or any other maters concerning ye said trade, either hear in Old-England or ther in New-England or elsewher, all which differences are since by mediation of freinds composed, compremissed, and all ye said parties agreed. Now know all men by these presents, that I, the said James Sherley, in performance of ye said compremise & agreemente, have remised, released, and quite claimed, & doe by these presents remise, release, and for me, myne heires, executors, & Administrators, and for every of us, for ever quite claime unto ye said William Bradford, Edward Winslow, Thomas Prence, Myles Standish, William Brewster, John Allden, & John Howland, and every of them, their & every of their heires, executors, and administrators, all and all maner of actions, suits, debts, accounts, rekonings, comissions, bonds, bills, specialties, judgments, executions, claimes, challinges, differences, and demands whatsoever, with or against ye said William Bradford, Edward Winslow, Thomas Prence, Myles Standish, William Brewster, John Allden, and John Howland, or any of them, ever I had, now have, or in time to come can, shall, or may have, for any mater, cause, or thing whatsoever from ye begining of ye world untill ye day of ye date of these presents. In witnes wherof I have hereunto put my hand & seale, given the second day of June, 1642, and in ye eighteenth year of ye raigne of our soveraigne lord, king Charles, &c.

James Sherley.

Sealed and delivered
in ye presence of

Thomas Weld,
Hugh Peters,
William Hibbins.
Arthur Tirrey, Scr.
Tho: Sturgs, his servante.

Mr. Andrews his discharg was to ye same effecte; he was by agreemēte to have 500li. of ye money, the which he gave to them in ye Bay, who brought his discharge and demanded ye money. And they tooke in his release and paid ye money according to agreemēte, viz. one third of the 500li. they paid downe in hand, and ye rest in 4. equall payments, to be paid yearly, for which they gave their bonds. And wheras 44li. was more demanded, they conceived they could take it of with Mr. Andrews, and therfore it was not in the bonde. But Mr. Beachamp would not parte with any of his, but demanded 400li. of ye partners here, & sent a release to a friend, to deliver it to them upon ye receite of ye money. But his relese was not perfecte, for he had left out some of ye partners names, with some other defects; and besids, the other gave them to understand he had not near so much due. So no end was made with him till 4. years after; of which in it plase. And in yt regard, that them selves did not agree, I shall inserte some part of Mr. Andrews letter, by which he conceives ye partners here were wronged, as followeth. This leter of his was write to Mr. Edmond Freeman, brother in law to Mr. Beachamp.

Mr. Freeman,

My love remembred unto you, &c. I then certified ye partners how I found Mr. Beachamp & Mr. Sherley, in their perticuler demands, which was according to mens principles, of getting what they could; allthough ye one will not shew any accounte, and ye other a very unfaire and unjust one; and both of them discouraged me from sending ye partners my accounte, Mr. Beachamp espetially. Their reason, I have cause to conceive, was, yt allthough I doe not, nor ever intended to, wrong ye partners or ye bussines, yet, if I gave no accounte, I might be esteemed as guiltie as they, in some degree at least; and they might seeme to be ye more free from taxation in not delivering their accounts, who have both of them charged ye accounte with much intrest they have payed forth, and one of them would likwise for much intrest he hath not paid forth, as appeareth by his accounte, &c. And seeing ye partners have now made it appear yt ther is 1200li. remaining due between us all, and that it may appear by my accounte I have not charged ye bussines with any intrest, but doe forgive it unto ye partners, above 200li. if Mr. Sherley & Mr. Beachamp, who have betweene them wronged ye bussines so many 100li. both in principall & intrest likwise, and have therin wronged me as well and as much as any of ye partners; yet if they will not make & deliver faire & true accounts of ye same, nor be contente to take what by computation is more then can be justly due to either, that is, to Mr. Beachamp 150li. as by Mr. Allertons accounte, and Mr. Sherleys accounte, on oath in chancerie; and though ther might be nothing due to Mr. Sherley, yet he requirs 100li. &c. I conceive, seing ye partners have delivered on their oaths ye sum̅e remaining in their hands, that they may justly detaine ye 650li. which may remaine in their hands, after I am satisfied, untill Mr. Sherley & Mr. Beachamp will be more fair & just in their ending, &c. And as I intend, if ye partners fayrly end with me, in satisfing in parte and ingaging them selves for ye rest of my said 544li. to returne back for ye poore my parte of ye land at Sityate, so likwise I intend to relinquish my right & intrest in their dear patente, on which much of our money was laid forth, and also my right & intrest in their cheap purchass, the which may have cost me first & last 350li. But I doubte whether other men have not charged or taken on accounte what they have disbursed in ye like case, which I have not charged, neither did I conceive any other durst so doe, untill I saw ye accounte of the one and heard ye words of ye other; the which gives me just cause to suspecte both their accounts to be unfaire; for it seemeth they consulted one with another aboute some perticulers therin. Therfore I conceive ye partners ought ye rather to require just accounts from each of them before they parte with any money to either of them. For marchants understand how to give an acounte; if they mean fairley, they will not deney to give an accounte, for they keep memorialls to helpe them to give exacte acounts in all perticulers, and memoriall cannot forget his charge, if ye man will remember. I desire not to wrong Mr. Beachamp or Mr. Sherley, nor may be silente in such apparente probabilities of their wronging ye partners, and me likwise, either in deneying to deliver or shew any accounte, or in delivering one very unjuste in some perticulers, and very suspitious in many more; either of which, being from understanding marchants, cannot be from weaknes or simplisitie, and therfore ye more unfaire. So comending you & yours, and all ye Lord's people, unto ye gratious protection and blessing of ye Lord, and rest your loving friend,

Richard Andrewes.

Aprill 7. 1643.

This leter was write ye year after ye agreement, as doth appear; and what his judgmente was herein, ye contents doth manifest, and so I leave it to ye equall judgmente of any to consider, as they see cause.

Only I shall adde what Mr. Sherley furder write in a leter of his, about ye same time, and so leave this bussines. His is as followeth on ye other side.

Loving freinds, Mr. Bradford, Mr. Winslow, Cap: Standish, Mr. Prence, and ye rest of ye partners wth you; I shall write this generall leter to you all, hoping it will be a good conclude of a generall, but a costly & tedious bussines I thinke to all, I am sure to me, &c.

I received from Mr. Winslow a letter of ye 28. of Sept: last, and so much as concernes ye generall bussines I shall answer in this, not knowing whether I shall have opportunitie to write perticuler letters, &c. I expected more letters from you all, as some perticuler writs, but it seemeth no fitt opportunity was offered. And now, though ye bussines for ye maine may stand, yet some perticulers is alltered; I say my former agreemente with Mr. Weld & Mr. Peters, before they could conclude or gett any grante of Mr. Andrews, they sought to have my release; and ther upon they sealed me a bond for a 110li. So I sente my acquittance, for they said without mine ther would be no end made (& ther was good reason for it). Now they hoped, if yey ended with me, to gaine Mr. Andrews parte, as they did holy, to a pound, (at which I should wonder, but yt I observe some passages,) and they also hoped to have gotten Mr. Beachamps part, & I did thinke he would have given it them. But if he did well understand him selfe, & that acounte, he would give it; for his demands make a great sound. But it seemeth he would not parte with it, supposing it too great a sume, and yt he might easily gaine it from you. Once he would have given them 40li. but now they say he will not doe that, or rather I suppose they will not take it; for if they doe, & have Mr. Andrewses, then they must pay me their bond of 110li. 3 months hence. Now it will fall out farr better for you, yt they deal not with Mr. Beachamp, and also for me, if you be as kind to me as I have been & will be to you; and yt thus, if you pay Mr. Andrews, or ye Bay men, by his order, 544li. which is his full demande; but if looked into, perhaps might be less. The man is honest, & in my conscience would not wittingly doe wronge, yett he may forgett as well as other men; and Mr. Winslow may call to minde wherin he forgetts; (but some times it is good to buy peace.) The gentlemen of ye Bay may abate 100li. and so both sids have more right & justice then if they exacte all, &c. Now if you send me a 150li. then say Mr. Andrews full sume, & this, it is nere 700li. Mr. Beachamp he demands 400li. and we all know that, if a man demands money, he must shew wherfore, and make proofe of his debte; which I know he can never make good proafe of one hunderd pound dew unto him as principall money; so till he can, you have good reason to keep ye 500li. &c. This I proteste I write not in malice against Mr. Beachamp, for it is a reall truth. You may partly see it by Mr. Andrews making up his accounte, and I think you are all perswaded I can say more then Mr. Andrews concerning that accounte. I wish I could make up my owne as plaine & easily, but because of former discontents, I will be sparing till I be called; & you may injoye ye 500li. quietly till he begine; for let him take his course hear or ther, it shall be all one, I will doe him no wronge; and if he have not on peney more, he is less loser then either Mr. Andrews or I. This I conceive to be just & honest; ye having or not having of his release matters not; let him make such proafe of his debte as you cannot disprove, and according to your first agreemente you will pay it, &c.

Your truly affectioned friend,

James Sherley.

London, Aprill 27. 1643.

Anno Dom: 1643.

I am to begine this year whith that which was a mater of great saddnes and moūring unto them all. Aboute ye 18. of Aprill dyed their Reved Elder, and my dear & loving friend, Mr. William Brewster; a man that had done and suffered much for ye Lord Jesus and ye gospells sake, and had bore his parte in well and woe with this poore persecuted church above 36. years in England, Holand, and in this wildernes, and done ye Lord & them faithfull service in his place & calling. And notwithstanding ye many troubls and sorrows he passed throw, the Lord upheld him to a great age. He was nere fourskore years of age (if not all out) when he dyed. He had this blesing added by ye Lord to all ye rest, to dye in his bed, in peace, amongst ye mids of his freinds, who mourned & wepte over him, and ministered what help & comforte they could unto him, and he againe recomforted them whilst he could. His sicknes was not long, and till ye last day therof he did not wholy keepe his bed. His speech continued till somewhat more then halfe a day, & then failed him; and aboute 9. or 10. a clock that evīng he dyed, without any pangs at all. A few howers before, he drew his breath shorte, and some few minuts before his last, he drew his breath long, as a man falen into a sound slepe, without any pangs or gaspings, and so sweetly departed this life unto a better.

I would now demand of any, what he was ye worse for any former sufferings? What doe I say, worse? Nay, sure he was ye better, and they now added to his honour. It is a manifest token (saith ye Apostle, 2. Thes: 1. 5, 6, 7.) of ye righeous judgmente of God that you may be counted worthy of ye kingdome of God, for which ye allso suffer; seing it is a righteous thing with God to recompence tribulation to them yt trouble you: and to you who are troubled, rest with us, when ye Lord Jesus shall be revealed from heaven, with his mighty angels. 1. Pet. 4. 14. If you be reproached for ye name of Christ, hapy are ye, for ye spirite of glory and of God resteth upon you. What though he wanted ye riches and pleasurs of ye world in this life, and pompous monuments at his funurall? yet ye memoriall of ye just shall be blessed, when ye name of ye wicked shall rott (with their marble monuments). Pro: 10. 7.

I should say something of his life, if to say a litle were not worse then to be silent. But I cannot wholy forbear, though hapily more may be done hereafter. After he had attained some learning, viz. ye knowledg of ye Latine tongue, & some insight in ye Greeke, and spent some small time at Cambridge, and then being first seasoned with ye seeds of grace and vertue, he went to ye Courte, and served that religious and godly gentlman, Mr. Davison, diverce years, when he was Secretary of State; who found him so discreete and faithfull as he trusted him above all other that were aboute him, and only imployed him in all matters of greatest trust and secrecie. He esteemed him rather as a sonne then a servante, and for his wisdom & godlines (in private) he would converse with him more like a freind & familier then a maister. He attended his mr. when he was sente in ambassage by the Queene into ye Low-Countries, in ye Earle of Leicesters time, as for other waighty affaires of state, so to receive possession of the cautionary townes, and in token & signe therof the keyes of Flushing being delivered to him, in her matis name, he kepte them some time, and com̅itted them to this his servante, who kept them under his pilow, on which he slepte ye first night. And, at his returne, ye States honoured him with a gould chaine, and his maister com̅itted it to him, and com̅anded him to wear it when they arrived in England, as they ridd thorrow the country, till they came to ye Courte. He afterwards remained with him till his troubles, that he was put from his place aboute ye death of ye Queene of Scots; and some good time after, doeing him manie faithfull offices of servise in ye time of his troubles. Afterwards he wente and lived in ye country, in good esteeme amongst his freinds and ye gentle-men of those parts, espetially the godly & religious. He did much good in ye countrie wher he lived, in promoting and furthering religion, not only by his practiss & example, and provocking and incouraging of others, but by procuring of good preachers to ye places theraboute, and, drawing on of others to assiste & help forward in such a worke; he him selfe most comonly deepest in ye charge, & some times above his abillitie. And in this state he continued many years, doeing ye best good he could, and walking according to ye light he saw, till ye Lord reveiled further unto him. And in ye end, by ye tirrany of ye bishops against godly preachers & people, in silenceing the one & persecuting ye other, he and many more of those times begane to looke further into things, and to see into ye unlawfullnes of their callings, and ye burthen of many anti-christian corruptions, which both he and they endeavored to cast of; as yey allso did, as in ye begining of this treatis is to be seene. After they were joyned togither in comunion, he was a spetiall stay & help unto them. They ordinarily mett at his house on ye Lords day, (which was a manor of ye bishops,) and with great love he entertained them when they came, making provission for them to his great charge. He was ye cheefe of those that were taken at Boston, and suffered ye greatest loss; and of ye seven that were kept longst in prison, and after bound over to ye assises. Affter he came into Holland he suffered much hardship, after he had spente ye most of his means, haveing a great charge, and many children; and, in regard of his former breeding & course of life, not so fitt for many imployments as others were, espetially such as were toylesume & laborious. But yet he ever bore his condition with much cherfullnes and contentation. Towards ye later parte of those 12. years spente in Holland, his outward condition was mended, and he lived well & plentifully; for he fell into a way (by reason he had ye Latine tongue) to teach many students, who had a disire to lerne ye English tongue, to teach them English; and by his method they quickly attained it with great facilitie; for he drew rules to lerne it by, after ye Latine maner; and many gentlemen, both Danes & Germans, resorted to him, as they had time from other studies, some of them being great mens son̅es. He also had means to set up printing, (by ye help of some freinds,) and so had imploymente inoughg, and by reason of many books which would not be alowed to be printed in England, they might have had more then they could doe. But now removeing into this countrie, all these things were laid aside againe, and a new course of living must be framed unto; in which he was no way unwilling to take his parte, and to bear his burthen with ye rest, living many times without bread, or corne, many months together, having many times nothing but fish, and often wanting that also; and drunke nothing but water for many years togeather, yea, till within 5. or 6. years of his death. And yet he lived (by ye blessing of God) in health till very old age. And besids yt, he would labour with his hands in ye feilds as long as he was able; yet when the church had no other minister, he taught twise every Saboth, and yt both powerfully and profitably, to ye great contentment of ye hearers, and their comfortable edification; yea, many were brought to God by his ministrie. He did more in this behalfe in a year, then many that have their hundreds a year doe in all their lives. For his personall abilities, he was qualified above many; he was wise and discreete and well spoken, having a grave & deliberate utterance, of a very cherfull spirite, very sociable & pleasante amongst his freinds, of an humble and modest mind, of a peaceable disposition, under vallewing him self & his owne abilities, and some time over valewing others; inoffencive and in̅ocente in his life & conversation, wch gained him ye love of those without, as well as those within; yet he would tell them plainely of their faults & evills, both publickly & privatly, but in such a maner as usually was well taken from him. He was tender harted, and compassionate of such as were in miserie, but espetialy of such as had been of good estate and ranke, and were fallen unto want & poverty, either for goodnes & religions sake, or by ye injury & oppression of others; he would say, of all men these deserved to be pitied most. And none did more offend & displease him then such as would hautily and proudly carry & lift up themselves, being rise from nothing, and haveing litle els in them to comend them but a few fine cloaths, or a litle riches more then others. In teaching, he was very moving & stirring of affections, also very plaine & distincte in what he taught; by which means he became ye more profitable to ye hearers. He had a singuler good gift in prayer, both publick & private, in ripping up ye hart & conscience before God, in the humble confession of sinne, and begging ye mercies of God in Christ for ye pardon of ye same. He always thought it were better for ministers to pray oftener, and devide their prears, then be longe & tedious in the same (excepte upon sollemne & spetiall occations, as in days of humiliation & ye like). His reason was, that ye harte & spirits of all, espetialy ye weake, could hardly continue & stand bente (as it were) so long towards God, as they ought to doe in yt duty, without flagging and falling of. For ye govermente of ye church, (which was most proper to his office,) he was carfull to preserve good order in ye same, and to preserve puritie, both in ye doctrine & comunion of ye same; and to supress any errour or contention that might begine to rise up amongst them; and accordingly God gave good success to his indeavors herein all his days, and he saw ye fruite of his labours in that behalfe. But I must breake of, having only thus touched a few, as it were, heads of things.

I cannot but here take occasion, not only to mention, but greatly to admire ye marvelous providence of God, that notwithstanding ye many changes and hardships that these people wente throwgh, and ye many enemies they had and difficulties they mette with all, that so many of them should live to very olde age! It was not only this reved mans condition, (for one swallow maks no summer, as they say,) but many more of them did ye like, some dying aboute and before this time, and many still living, who attained to 60. years of age, and to 65. diverse to 70. and above, and some nere 80. as he did. It must needs be more then ordinarie, and above naturall reason, that so it should be; for it is found in experience, that chaing of aeir, famine, or unholsome foode, much drinking of water, sorrows & troubls, &c., all of them are enimies to health, causes of many diseaces, consumers of naturall vigoure and ye bodys of men, and shortners of life. And yet of all these things they had a large parte, and suffered deeply in ye same. They wente from England to Holand, wher they found both worse air and dyet then that they came from; from thence (induring a long imprisonmente, as it were, in ye ships at sea) into New-England; and how it hath been with them hear hath allready beene showne; and what crosses, troubls, fears, wants, and sorrowes they had been lyable unto, is easie to conjecture; so as in some sorte they may say with ye Apostle, 2. Cor: 11. 26, 27. they were in journeyings often, in perils of waters, in perills of robers, in perills of their owne nation, in perils among ye heathen, in perills in ye willdernes, in perills in ye sea, in perills among false breethern; in wearines & painfullnes, in watching often, in hunger and thirst, in fasting often, in could and nakednes. What was it then that upheld them? It was Gods vissitation that preserved their spirits. Job 10. 12. Thou hast given me life and grace, and thy vissitation hath preserved my spirite. He that upheld ye Apostle upheld them. They were persecuted, but not forsaken, cast downe, but perished not. 2. Cor: 4. 9. As unknowen, and yet knowen; as dying, and behold we live; as chastened, and yett not kiled. 2. Cor: 6. 9. God, it seems, would have all men to behold and observe such mercies and works of his providence as these are towards his people, that they in like cases might be incouraged to depend upon God in their trials, & also blese his name when they see his goodnes towards others. Man lives not by bread only, Deut: 8. 3. It is not by good & dainty fare, by peace, & rest, and harts ease, in injoying ye contentments and good things of this world only, that preserves health and prolongs life. God in such examples would have ye world see & behold that he can doe it without them; and if ye world will shut ther eyes, and take no notice therof, yet he would have his people to see and consider it. Daniell could be better liking with pulse then others were with ye kings dainties. Jaacob, though he wente from one nation to another people, and passed thorow famine, fears, & many afflictions, yet he lived till old age, and dyed sweetly, & rested in ye Lord, as infinite others of Gods servants have done, and still shall doe, (through Gods goodnes,) notwithstanding all ye malice of their enemies; when ye branch of ye wicked shall be cut of before his day, Job. 15. 32. and the bloody and deceitfull men shall not live out halfe their days. Psa: 55. 23.

By reason of ye plottings of the Narigansets, (ever since ye Pequents warr,) the Indeans were drawne into a generall conspiracie against ye English in all parts, as was in part discovered ye yeare before; and now made more plaine and evidente by many discoveries and free-conffessions of sundrie Indeans (upon severall occasions) from diverse places, concuring in one; with such other concuring circomstances as gave them suffissently to understand the trueth therof, and to thinke of means, how to prevente ye same, and secure them selves. Which made them enter into this more nere union & confederation following.

Articles of Confederation betweene ye Plantations under ye Govermente of Massachusets, ye Plantations under ye Govermente of New-Plimoth, ye Plantations under ye Govermente of Conightecute, and ye Govermente of New-Haven, with ye Plantations in combination therwith.

Wheras we all came into these parts of America with one and ye same end and aime, namly; to advance the kingdome of our Lord Jesus Christ, & to injoye ye liberties of ye Gospell in puritie with peace; and wheras in our setling (by a wise providence of God) we are further disperced upon ye sea coasts and rivers then was at first intended, so yt we cannot, according to our desires, with convenience comunicate in one govermente & jurisdiction; and wheras we live encompassed with people of severall nations and strang languages, which hereafter may prove injurious to us and our posteritie; and for as much as ye natives have formerly committed sundrie insolencies and outrages upon severall plantations of ye English, and have of late combined them selves against us; and seeing, by reason of those distractions in England (which they have heard of) and by which they know we are hindered from yt humble way of seeking advice or reaping those comfurtable fruits of protection which at other times we might well expecte; we therfore doe conceive it our bounden duty, without delay, to enter into a presente consociation amongst our selves, for mutuall help & strength in all our future concernments. That as in nation and religion, so in other respects, we be & continue one, according to ye tenor and true meaning of the insuing articles. (1) Wherfore it is fully agreed and concluded by & betweene ye parties or jurisdictions above named, and they joyntly & severally doe by these presents agree & conclude, that they all be and henceforth be called by ye name of The United Colonies of New-England.

2. The said United Collonies, for them selves & their posterities, doe joyntly & severally hereby enter into a firme & perpetuall league of frendship & amitie, for offence and defence, mutuall advice and succore upon all just occasions, both for preserving & propagating ye truth of ye Gospell, and for their owne mutuall saftie and wellfare.

3. It is further agreed that the plantations which at presente are or hereafter shall be setled with[in] ye limites of ye Massachusets shall be for ever under ye Massachusets, and shall have peculier jurisdiction amonge them selves in all cases, as an intire body. And yt Plimoth, Conightecutt, and New-Haven shall each of them have like peculier jurisdition and govermente within their limites and in refference to ye plantations which allready are setled, or shall hereafter be erected, or shall setle within their limites, respectively; provided yt no other jurisdition shall hereafter be taken in, as a distincte head or member of this confederation, nor shall any other plantation or jurisdiction in presente being, and not allready in combination or under ye jurisdiction of any of these confederats, be received by any of them; nor shall any tow of ye confederats joyne in one jurisdiction, without consente of ye rest, which consete to be interpreted as is expresed in ye sixte article ensewing.

4. It is by these conffederats agreed, yt the charge of all just warrs, whether offencive or defencive, upon what parte or member of this confederation soever they fall, shall, both in men, provissions, and all other disbursments, be borne by all ye parts of this confederation, in differente proportions, according to their differente abillities, in maner following: namely, yt the comissioners for each jurisdiction, from time to time, as ther shall be occasion, bring a true accounte and number of all their males in every plantation, or any way belonging too or under their severall jurisdictions, of what qualitie or condition soever they be, from 16. years old to 60, being inhabitants ther; and yt according to ye differente numbers which from time to time shall be found in each jurisdiction upon a true & just accounte, the service of men and all charges of ye warr be borne by ye pole; each jurisdiction or plantation being left to their owne just course & custome of rating them selves and people according to their differente estates, with due respects to their qualities and exemptions amongst them selves, though the confederats take no notice of any such priviledg. And yt according to their differente charge of each jurisdiction & plantation, the whole advantage of ye warr, (if it please God to blesse their indeaours,) whether it be in lands, goods, or persons, shall be proportionably devided amonge ye said confederats.