The 2. Booke (part 1)

The rest of this History (if God give me life, & opportunitie) I shall, for brevitis sake, handle by way of annalls, noteing only the heads of principall things, and passages as they fell in order of time, and may seeme to be profitable to know, or to make use of. And this may be as ye 2. Booke.

The remainder of Ano: 1620.

I shall a litle returne backe and begine with a combination made by them before they came ashore, being ye first foundation of their govermente in this place; occasioned partly by ye discontented & mutinous speeches that some of the strangers amongst them had let fall from them in ye ship—That when they came a shore they would use their owne libertie; for none had power to com̅and them, the patente they had being for Virginia, and not for New-england, which belonged to an other Goverment, with which ye Virginia Company had nothing to doe. And partly that shuch an acte by them done (this their condition considered) might be as firme as any patent, and in some respects more sure.

The forme was as followeth.

In ye name of God, Amen. We whose names are underwriten, the loyall subjects of our dread soveraigne Lord, King James, by ye grace of God, of Great Britaine, Franc, & Ireland king, defender of ye faith, &c., haveing undertaken, for ye glorie of God, and advancemente of ye Christian faith, and honour of our king & countrie, a voyage to plant ye first colonie in ye Northerne parts of Virginia, doe by these presents solemnly & mutualy in ye presence of God, and one of another, covenant & combine our selves togeather into a civill body politick, for our better ordering & preservation & furtherance of ye ends aforesaid; and by vertue hearof to enacte, constitute, and frame such just & equall lawes, ordinances, acts, constitutions, & offices, from time to time, as shall be thought most meete & convenient for ye generall good of ye Colonie, unto which we promise all due submission and obedience. In witnes wherof we have hereunder subscribed our names at Cap-Codd ye 11. of November, in ye year of ye raigne of our soveraigne lord, King James, of England, France, & Ireland ye eighteenth, and of Scotland ye fiftie fourth. Ano: Dom. 1620.

After this they chose, or rather confirmed, Mr. John Carver (a man godly & well approved amongst them) their Governour for that year. And after they had provided a place for their goods, or comone store, (which were long in unlading for want of boats, foulnes of winter weather, and sicknes of diverce,) and begune some small cottages for their habitation, as time would admitte, they mette and consulted of lawes & orders, both for their civill & military Govermente, as ye necessitie of their condition did require, still adding therunto as urgent occasion in severall times, and as cases did require.

In these hard & difficulte beginings they found some discontents & murmurings arise amongst some, and mutinous speeches & carriags in other; but they were soone quelled & overcome by ye wisdome, patience, and just & equall carrage of things by ye Govr and better part, wch clave faithfully togeather in ye maine. But that which was most sadd & lamentable was, that in 2. or 3. moneths time halfe of their company dyed, espetialy in Jan: & February, being ye depth of winter, and wanting houses & other comforts; being infected with ye scurvie & other diseases, which this long vioage & their inacomodate condition had brought upon them; so as ther dyed some times 2. or 3. of a day, in ye foresaid time; that of 100. & odd persons, scarce 50. remained. And of these in ye time of most distres, ther was but 6. or 7. sound persons, who, to their great comendations be it spoken, spared no pains, night nor day, but with abundance of toyle and hazard of their owne health, fetched them woode, made them fires, drest them meat, made their beads, washed their lothsome cloaths, cloathed & uncloathed them; in a word, did all ye homly & necessarie offices for them wch dainty & quesie stomacks cannot endure to hear named; and all this willingly & cherfully, without any grudging in ye least, shewing herein their true love unto their freinds & bretheren. A rare example & worthy to be remembred. Tow of these 7. were Mr. William Brewster, ther reverend Elder, & Myles Standish, ther Captein & military comander, unto whom my selfe, & many others, were much beholden in our low & sicke condition. And yet the Lord so upheld these persons, as in this generall calamity they were not at all infected either with sicknes, or lamnes. And what I have said of these, I may say of many others who dyed in this generall vissitation, & others yet living, that whilst they had health, yea, or any strength continuing, they were not wanting to any that had need of them. And I doute not but their recompence is with ye Lord.

But I may not hear pass by an other remarkable passage not to be forgotten. As this calamitie fell among ye passengers that were to be left here to plant, and were hasted a shore and made to drinke water, that ye sea-men might have ye more bear, and one in his sicknes desiring but a small cann of beere, it was answered, that if he were their owne father he should have none; the disease begane to fall amongst them also, so as allmost halfe of their company dyed before they went away, and many of their officers and lustyest men, as ye boatson, gunner, 3. quarter-maisters, the cooke, & others. At wch ye mr. was something strucken and sent to ye sick a shore and tould ye Govr he should send for beer for them that had need of it, though he drunke water homward bound. But now amongst his company ther was farr another kind of carriage in this miserie then amongst ye passengers; for they that before had been boone companions in drinking & joyllity in ye time of their health & wellfare, begane now to deserte one another in this calamitie, saing they would not hasard ther lives for them, they should be infected by coming to help them in their cabins, and so, after they came to dye by it, would doe litle or nothing for them, but if they dyed let them dye. But shuch of ye passengers as were yet abord shewed them what mercy they could, wch made some of their harts relente, as ye boatson (& some others), who was a prowd yonge man, and would often curse & scofe at ye passengers; but when he grew weak, they had compassion on him and helped him; then he confessed he did not deserve it at their hands, he had abused them in word & deed. O! saith he, you, I now see, shew your love like Christians indeed one to another, but we let one another lye & dye like doggs. Another lay cursing his wife, saing if it had not ben for her he had never come this unlucky viage, and anone cursing his felows, saing he had done this & that, for some of them, he had spente so much, & so much, amongst them, and they were now weary of him, and did not help him, having need. Another gave his companion all he had, if he died, to help him in his weaknes; he went and got a litle spise & made him a mess of meat once or twise, and because he dyed not so soone as he expected, he went amongst his fellows, & swore ye rogue would cousen him, he would see him choaked before he made him any more meate; and yet ye pore fellow dyed before morning.

All this while ye Indians came skulking about them, and would sometimes show them selves aloofe of, but when any aproached near them, they would rune away. And once they stoale away their tools wher they had been at worke, & were gone to diner. But about ye 16. of March a certaine Indian came bouldly amongst them, and spoke to them in broken English, which they could well understand, but marvelled at it. At length they understood by discourse with him, that he was not of these parts, but belonged to ye eastrene parts, wher some English-ships came to fhish, with whom he was aquainted, & could name sundrie of them by their names, amongst whom he had gott his language. He became proftable to them in aquainting them with many things concerning ye state of ye cuntry in ye east-parts wher he lived, which was afterwards profitable unto them; as also of ye people hear, of their names, number, & strength; of their situation & distance from this place, and who was cheefe amongst them. His name was Samaset; he tould them also of another Indian whos name was Squanto, a native of this place, who had been in England & could speake better English then him selfe. Being, after some time of entertainmente & gifts, dismist, a while after he came againe, & 5. more with him, & they brought againe all ye tooles that were stolen away before, and made way for ye coming of their great Sachem, called Massasoyt; who, about 4. or 5. days after, came with the cheefe of his freinds & other attendance, with the aforesaid Squanto. With whom, after frendly entertainment, & some gifts given him, they made a peace with him (which hath now continued this 24. years) in these terms.

1. That neither he nor any of his, should injurie or doe hurte to any of their peopl.

2. That if any of his did any hurte to any of theirs, he should send ye offender, that they might punish him.

3. That if any thing were taken away from any of theirs, he should cause it to be restored; and they should doe ye like to his.

4. If any did unjustly warr against him, they would aide him; if any did warr against them, he should aide them.

5. He should send to his neighbours confederats, to certifie them of this, that they might not wrong them, but might be likewise comprised in ye conditions of peace.

6. That when ther men came to them, they should leave their bows & arrows behind them.

After these things he returned to his place caled Sowams, some 40. mile from this place, but Squanto continued with them, and was their interpreter, and was a spetiall instrument sent of God for their good beyond their expectation. He directed them how to set their corne, wher to take fish, and to procure other comodities, and was also their pilott to bring them to unknowne places for their profitt, and never left them till he dyed. He was a native of this place, & scarce any left alive besids him selfe. He was caried away with diverce others by one Hunt, a mr. of a ship, who thought to sell them for slaves in Spaine; but he got away for England, and was entertained by a marchante in London, & imployed to New-foundland & other parts, & lastly brought hither into these parts by one Mr. Dermer, a gentle-man imployed by Sr. Ferdinando Gorges & others, for discovery, & other designes in these parts. Of whom I shall say some thing, because it is mentioned in a booke set forth Ano: 1622. by the Presidente & Counsell for New-England, that he made ye peace betweene ye salvages of these parts & ye English; of which this plantation, as it is intimated, had ye benefite. But what a peace it was, may apeare by what befell him & his men.

This Mr. Dermer was hear the same year that these people came, as apears by a relation written by him, & given me by a friend, bearing date June 30. Ano: 1620. And they came in Novembr: following, so ther was but 4. months differance. In which relation to his honored freind, he hath these passages of this very place.

I will first begine (saith he) wth that place from whence Squanto, or Tisquantem, was taken away; wch in Cap: Smiths mape is called Plimoth: and I would that Plimoth had ye like comodities. I would that the first plantation might hear be seated, if ther come to the number of 50. persons, or upward. Otherwise at Charlton, because ther ye savages are lese to be feared. The Pocanawkits, which live to ye west of Plimoth, bear an inveterate malice to ye English, and are of more streingth then all ye savags from thence to Penobscote. Their desire of revenge was occasioned by an English man, who having many of them on bord, made a great slaughter with their murderers & smale shot, when as (they say) they offered no injurie on their parts. Whether they were English or no, it may be douted; yet they beleeve they were, for ye Frenche have so possest them; for which cause Squanto can̅ot deney but they would have kiled me when I was at Namasket, had he not entreated hard for me. The soyle of ye borders of this great bay, may be compared to most of ye plantations which I have seene in Virginia. The land is of diverce sorts; for Patuxite is a hardy but strong soyle, Nawsel & Saughtughtett are for ye most part a blakish & deep mould, much like that wher groweth ye best Tobaco in Virginia. In ye botume of yt great bay is store of Codd & basse, or mulett, &c.

But above all he comends Pacanawkite for ye richest soyle, and much open ground fitt for English graine, &c.

Massachussets is about 9. leagues from Plimoth, & situate in ye mids betweene both, is full of ilands & peninsules very fertill for ye most parte.

With sundrie shuch relations which I forbear to transcribe, being now better knowne then they were to him.

He was taken prisoner by ye Indeans at Manamoiak (a place not farr from hence, now well knowne). He gave them what they demanded for his liberty, but when they had gott what they desired, they kept him still & indevored to kill his men; but he was freed by seasing on some of them, and kept them bound till they gave him a cannows load of corne. Of which, see Purch: lib. 9. fol. 1778. But this was Ano: 1619.

After ye writing of ye former relation he came to ye Ile of Capawack (which lyes south of this place in ye way to Virginia), and ye foresaid Squanto wth him, wher he going a shore amongst ye Indans to trad, as he used to doe, was betrayed & assaulted by them, & all his men slaine, but one that kept the boat; but him selfe gott abord very sore wounded, & they had cut of his head upon ye cudy of his boat, had not ye man reskued him with a sword. And so they got away, & made shift to gett into Virginia, wher he dyed; whether of his wounds or ye diseases of ye cuntrie, or both togeather, is uncertaine. By all which it may appeare how farr these people were from peace, and with what danger this plantation was begune, save as ye powerfull hand of the Lord did protect them. These things were partly the reason why they kept aloofe & were so long before they came to the English. An other reason (as after them selvs made know̅) was how aboute 3. years before, a French-ship was cast away at Cap-Codd, but ye men gott ashore, & saved their lives, and much of their victails, & other goods; but after ye Indeans heard of it, they geathered togeather from these parts, and never left watching & dogging them till they got advantage, and kild them all but 3. or 4. which they kept, & sent from one Sachem to another, to make sporte with, and used them worse then slaves; (of which ye foresaid Mr. Dermer redeemed 2. of them;) and they conceived this ship was now come to revenge it.

Also, (as after was made knowne,) before they came to ye English to make freindship, they gott all the Powachs of ye cuntrie, for 3. days togeather, in a horid and divellish maner to curse & execrate them with their cunjurations, which asembly & service they held in a darke & dismale swampe.

But to returne. The spring now approaching, it pleased God the mortalitie begane to cease amongst them, and ye sick and lame recovered apace, which put as it were new life into them; though they had borne their sadd affliction with much patience & contentednes, as I thinke any people could doe. But it was ye Lord which upheld them, and had beforehand prepared them; many having long borne ye yoake, yea from their youth. Many other smaler maters I omite, sundrie of them having been allready published in a Jurnall made by one of the company; and some other passages of jurneys and relations allredy published, to which I referr those that are willing to know them more perticulerly. And being now come to ye 25. of March I shall begine ye year 1621.

Anno. 1621.

They now begane to dispatch ye ship away which brought them over, which lay tille aboute this time, or ye begining of Aprill. The reason on their parts why she stayed so long, was ye necessitie and danger that lay upon them, for it was well towards ye ende of Desember before she could land any thing hear, or they able to receive any thing ashore. Afterwards, ye 14. of Jan: the house which they had made for a generall randevoze by casulty fell afire, and some were faine to retire abord for shilter. Then the sicknes begane to fall sore amongst them, and ye weather so bad as they could not make much sooner any dispatch. Againe, the Govr & cheefe of them, seeing so many dye, and fall downe sick dayly, thought it no wisdom to send away the ship, their condition considered, and ye danger they stood in from ye Indeans, till they could procure some shelter; and therfore thought it better to draw some more charge upon them selves & freinds, then hazard all. The mr. and sea-men likewise, though before they hasted ye passengers a shore to be goone, now many of their men being dead, & of ye ablest of them, (as is before noted,) and of ye rest many lay sick & weake, ye mr. durst not put to sea, till he saw his men begine to recover, and ye hart of winter over.

Afterwards they (as many as were able) began to plant ther corne, in which servise Squanto stood them in great stead, showing them both ye maner how to set it, and after how to dress & tend it. Also he tould them excepte they gott fish & set with it (in these old grounds) it would come to nothing, and he showed them yt in ye midle of Aprill they should have store enough come up ye brooke, by which they begane to build, and taught them how to take it, and wher to get other provissions necessary for them; all which they found true by triall & experience. Some English seed they sew, as wheat & pease, but it came not to good, eather by ye badnes of ye seed, or latenes of ye season, or both, or some other defecte.

In this month of Aprill whilst they were bussie about their seed, their Govr (Mr. John Carver) came out of ye feild very sick, it being a hott day; he complained greatly of his head, and lay downe, and within a few howers his sences failed, so as he never spake more till he dyed, which was within a few days after. Whoss death was much lamented, and caused great heavines amongst them, as ther was cause. He was buried in ye best maner they could, with some vollies of shott by all that bore armes; and his wife, being a weak woman, dyed within 5. or 6. weeks after him.

Shortly after William Bradford was chosen Gover in his stead, and being not yet recoverd of his ilnes, in which he had been near ye point of death, Isaak Allerton was chosen to be an Asistante unto him, who, by renewed election every year, continued sundry years togeather, which I hear note once for all.

May 12. was ye first mariage in this place, which, according to ye laudable custome of the Low-Cuntries, in which they had lived, was thought most requisite to be performed by the magistrate, as being a civill thing, upon which many questions aboute inheritances doe depende, with other things most proper to their cognizans, and most consonante to ye scripturs, Ruth 4. and no wher found in ye gospell to be layed on ye ministers as a part of their office. "This decree or law about mariage was published by ye Stats of ye Low-Cuntries Ano: 1590. That those of any religion, after lawfull and open publication, coming before ye magistrats, in ye Town or Stat-house, were to be orderly (by them) maried one to another." Petets Hist, fol: 1029. And this practiss hath continued amongst, not only them, but hath been followed by all ye famous churches of Christ in these parts to this time,—Ano: 1646.

Haveing in some sorte ordered their bussines at home, it was thought meete to send some abroad to see their new friend Massasoyet, and to bestow upon him some gratuitie to bind him ye faster unto them; as also that hearby they might veiw ye countrie, and see in what maner he lived, what strength he had aboute him, and how ye ways were to his place, if at any time they should have occasion. So ye 2. of July they sente Mr. Edward Winslow & Mr. Hopkins, with ye foresaid Squanto for ther guid, who gave him a suite of cloaths, and a horsemans coate, with some other small things, which were kindly accepted; but they found but short com̅ons, and came both weary & hungrie home. For ye Indeans used then to have nothing so much corne as they have since ye English have stored them with their hows, and seene their industrie in breaking up new grounds therwith. They found his place to be 40. miles from hence, ye soyle good, & ye people not many, being dead & abundantly wasted in ye late great mortalitie which fell in all these parts aboute three years before ye coming of ye English, wherin thousands of them dyed, they not being able to burie one another; ther sculs and bones were found in many places lying still above ground, where their houses & dwellings had been; a very sad spectackle to behould. But they brought word that ye Narighansets lived but on ye other side of that great bay, & were a strong people, & many in number, living compacte togeather, & had not been at all touched with this wasting plague.

Aboute ye later end of this month, one John Billington lost him selfe in ye woods, & wandered up & downe some 5. days, living on beries & what he could find. At length he light on an Indean plantation, 20. mils south of this place, called Manamet, they conveid him furder of, to Nawsett, among those peopl that had before set upon ye English when they were costing, whilest ye ship lay at ye Cape, as is before noted. But ye Gover caused him to be enquired for among ye Indeans, and at length Massassoyt sent word wher he was, and ye Gover sent a shalop for him, & had him delivered. Those people also came and made their peace; and they gave full satisfaction to those whose come they had found & taken when they were at Cap-Codd.

Thus ther peace & aquaintance was prety well establisht wth the natives aboute them; and ther was an other Indean called Hobamack come to live amongst them, a proper lustie man, and a man of accounte for his vallour & parts amongst ye Indeans, and continued very faithfull and constant to ye English till he dyed. He & Squanto being gone upon bussines amonge ye Indeans, at their returne (whether it was out of envie to them or malice to the English) ther was a Sachem called Corbitant, alyed to Massassoyte, but never any good friend to ye English to this day, mett with them at an Indean towne caled Namassakett 14. miles to ye west of this place, and begane to quarell wth them, and offered to stabe Hobamack; but being a lusty man, he cleared him selfe of him, and came run̅ing away all sweating and tould ye Govr what had befalne him, and he feared they had killed Squanto, for they threatened them both, and for no other cause but because they were freinds to ye English, and servisable unto them. Upon this ye Gover taking counsell, it was conceivd not fitt to be borne; for if they should suffer their freinds & messengers thus to be wronged, they should have none would cleave unto them, or give them any inteligence, or doe them serviss afterwards; but nexte they would fall upon them selves. Whereupon it was resolved to send ye Captaine & 14. men well armed, and to goe & fall upon them in ye night; and if they found that Squanto was kild, to cut of Corbitants head, but not to hurt any but those that had a hand in it. Hobamack was asked if he would goe & be their guid, & bring them ther before day. He said he would, & bring them to ye house wher the man lay, and show them which was he. So they set forth ye 14. of August, and beset ye house round; the Captin giving charg to let none pass out, entred ye house to search for him. But he was goone away that day, so they mist him; but understood yt Squanto was alive, & that he had only threatened to kill him, & made an offer to stabe him but did not. So they withheld and did no more hurte, & ye people came trembling, & brought them the best provissions they had, after they were aquainted by Hobamack what was only intended. Ther was 3. sore wounded which broak out of ye house, and asaid to pass through ye garde. These they brought home with them, & they had their wounds drest & cured, and sente home. After this they had many gratulations from diverce sachims, and much firmer peace; yea, those of ye Iles of Capawack sent to make frendship; and this Corbitant him selfe used ye mediation of Massassoyte to make his peace, but was shie to come neare them a longe while after.

After this, ye 18. of Septembr: they sente out ther shalop to the Massachusets, with 10. men, and Squanto for their guid and interpreter, to discover and veiw that bay, and trade with ye natives; the which they performed, and found kind entertainement. The people were much affraid of ye Tarentins, a people to ye eastward which used to come in harvest time and take away their corne, & many times kill their persons. They returned in saftie, and brought home a good quanty of beaver, and made reporte of ye place, wishing they had been ther seated; (but it seems ye Lord, who assignes to all men ye bounds of their habitations, had apoynted it for an other use). And thus they found the Lord to be with them in all their ways, and to blesse their outgoings & incom̅ings, for which let his holy name have ye praise for ever, to all posteritie.

They begane now to gather in ye small harvest they had, and to fitte up their houses and dwellings against winter, being all well recovered in health & strenght, and had all things in good plenty; for as some were thus imployed in affairs abroad, others were excersised in fishing, aboute codd, & bass, & other fish, of which yey tooke good store, of which every family had their portion. All ye som̅er ther was no wante. And now begane to come in store of foule, as winter aproached, of which this place did abound when they came first (but afterward decreased by degrees). And besids water foule, ther was great store of wild Turkies, of which they tooke many, besids venison, &c. Besids they had aboute a peck a meale a weeke to a person, or now since harvest, Indean corne to yt proportion. Which made many afterwards write so largly of their plenty hear to their freinds in England, which were not fained, but true reports.

In Novembr, about ye time twelfe month that them selves came, ther came in a small ship to them unexpected or loked for, in which came Mr. Cushman (so much spoken of before) and with him 35. persons to remaine & live in ye plantation; which did not a litle rejoyce them. And they when they came a shore and found all well, and saw plenty of vitails in every house, were no less glade. For most of them were lusty yonge men, and many of them wild enough, who litle considered whither or aboute what they wente, till they came into ye harbore at Cap-Codd, and ther saw nothing but a naked and barren place. They then begane to thinke what should become of them, if the people here were dead or cut of by ye Indeans. They begane to consulte (upon some speeches that some of ye sea-men had cast out) to take ye sayls from ye yeard least ye ship should gett away and leave them ther. But ye mr. hereing of it, gave them good words, and tould them if any thing but well should have befallne ye people hear, he hoped he had vitails enough to cary them to Virginia, and whilst he had a bitt they should have their parte; which gave them good satisfaction. So they were all landed; but ther was not so much as bisket-cake or any other victialls for them, neither had they any beding, but some sory things they had in their cabins, nor pot, nor pan, to drese any meate in; nor overmany cloaths, for many of them had brusht away their coats & cloaks at Plimoth as they came. But ther was sent over some burching-lane suits in ye ship, out of which they were supplied. The plantation was glad of this addition of strenght, but could have wished that many of them had been of beter condition, and all of them beter furnished with provissions; but yt could not now be helpte.

In this ship Mr. Weston sent a large leter to Mr. Carver, ye late Gover, now deseased, full of complaints & expostulations aboute former passagess at Hampton; and ye keeping ye shipe so long in ye country, and returning her without lading, &c., which for brevitie I omite. The rest is as followeth.

Part of Mr. Westons letter.

I durst never aquainte ye adventurers with ye alteration of ye conditions first agreed on betweene us, which I have since been very glad of, for I am well assured had they knowne as much as I doe, they would not have adventured a halfe-peny of what was necesary for this ship. That you sent no lading in the ship is wonderfull, and worthily distasted. I know your weaknes was the cause of it, and I beleeve more weaknes of judgmente, then weaknes of hands. A quarter of ye time you spente in discoursing, arguing, & consulting, would have done much more; but that is past, &c. If you mean, bona fide, to performe the conditions agreed upon, doe us ye favore to coppy them out faire, and subscribe them with ye principall of your names. And likwise give us accounte as perticulerly as you can how our moneys were laid out. And then I shall be able to give them some satisfaction, whom I am now forsed with good words to shift of. And consider that ye life of the bussines depends on ye lading of this ship, which, if you doe to any good purpose, that I may be freed from ye great sums I have disbursed for ye former, and must doe for the later, I promise you I will never quit ye bussines, though all the other adventurers should.

We have procured you a Charter, the best we could, which is beter then your former, and with less limitation. For any thing yt is els worth writting, Mr. Cushman can informe you. I pray write instantly for Mr. Robinson to come to you. And so praying God to blesse you with all graces nessessary both for this life & that to come, I rest

Your very loving frend,

Tho. Weston.

London, July 6. 1621.

This ship (caled ye Fortune) was speedily dispatcht away, being laden with good clapbord as full as she could stowe, and 2. hoggsheads of beaver and otter skins, which they gott with a few trifling comodities brought with them at first, being alltogeather unprovided for trade; neither was ther any amongst them that ever saw a beaver skin till they came hear, and were informed by Squanto. The fraight was estimated to be worth near 500li. Mr. Cushman returned backe also with this ship, for so Mr. Weston & ye rest had apoynted him, for their better information. And he doubted not, nor them selves neither, but they should have a speedy supply; considering allso how by Mr. Cushmans perswation, and letters received from Leyden, wherin they willed them so to doe, they yeelded to ye afforesaid conditions, and subscribed them with their hands. But it proved other wise, for Mr. Weston, who had made ye large promise in his leter, (as is before noted,) that if all ye rest should fall of, yet he would never quit ye bussines, but stick to them, if they yeelded to ye conditions, and sente some lading in ye ship; and of this Mr. Cushman was confident, and confirmed ye same from his mouth, & serious protestations to him selfe before he came. But all proved but wind, for he was ye first and only man that forsooke them, and that before he so much as heard of ye returne of this ship, or knew what was done; (so vaine is the confidence in man.) But of this more in its place.

A leter in answer to his write to Mr. Carver, was sente to him from ye Govr, of which so much as is pertenente to ye thing in hand I shall hear inserte.

Sr: Your large letter writen to Mr. Carver, and dated ye 6. of July, 1621, I have received ye 10. of Novembr, wherin (after ye apologie made for your selfe) you lay many heavie imputations upon him and us all. Touching him, he is departed this life, and now is at rest in ye Lord from all those troubls and incoumbrances with which we are yet to strive. He needs not my appologie; for his care and pains was so great for ye commone good, both ours and yours, as that therwith (it is thought) he oppressed him selfe and shortened his days; of whose loss we cannot sufficiently complaine. At great charges in this adventure, I confess you have beene, and many losses may sustaine; but ye loss of his and many other honest and industrious mens lives, cannot be vallewed at any prise. Of ye one, ther may be hope of recovery, but ye other no recompence can make good. But I will not insiste in generalls, but come more perticulerly to ye things them selves. You greatly blame us for keping ye ship so long in ye countrie, and then to send her away emptie. She lay 5. weks at Cap-Codd, whilst with many a weary step (after a long journey) and the indurance of many a hard brunte, we sought out in the foule winter a place of habitation. Then we went in so tedious a time to make provission to sheelter us and our goods, aboute wch labour, many of our armes & leggs can tell us to this day we were not necligent. But it pleased God to vissite us then, with death dayly, and with so generall a disease, that the living were scarce able to burie the dead; and ye well not in any measure sufficiente to tend ye sick. And now to be so greatly blamed, for not fraighting ye ship, doth indeed goe near us, and much discourage us. But you say you know we will pretend weaknes; and doe you think we had not cause? Yes, you tell us you beleeve it, but it was more weaknes of judgmente, then of hands. Our weaknes herin is great we confess, therfore we will bear this check patiently amongst ye rest, till God send us wiser men. But they which tould you we spent so much time in discoursing & consulting, &c., their harts can tell their toungs, they lye. They cared not, so they might salve their owne sores, how they wounded others. Indeed, it is our callamitie that we are (beyound expectation) yoked with some ill conditioned people, who will never doe good, but corrupte and abuse others, &c.

The rest of ye letter declared how they had subscribed those conditions according to his desire, and sente him ye former accounts very perticulerly; also how ye ship was laden, and in what condition their affairs stood; that ye coming of these people would bring famine upon them unavoydably, if they had not supply in time (as Mr. Cushman could more fully informe him & ye rest of ye adventurers). Also that seeing he was now satisfied in all his demands, that offences would be forgoten, and he remember his promise, &c.

After ye departure of this ship, (which stayed not above 14. days,) the Gover & his assistante haveing disposed these late com̅ers into severall families, as yey best could, tooke an exacte accounte of all their provissions in store, and proportioned ye same to ye number of persons, and found that it would not hould out above 6. months at halfe alowance, and hardly that. And they could not well give less this winter time till fish came in againe. So they were presently put to half alowance, one as well as an other, which begane to be hard, but they bore it patiently under hope of supply.

Sone after this ships departure, ye great people of ye Narigansets, in a braving maner, sente a messenger unto them with a bundl of arrows tyed aboute with a great sneak-skine; which their interpretours tould them was a threatening & a chaleng. Upon which ye Govr, with ye advice of others, sente them a round answere, that if they had rather have warre then peace, they might begine when they would; they had done them no wrong, neither did yey fear them, or should they find them unprovided. And by another messenger sente ye sneake-skine back with bulits in it; but they would not receive it, but sent it back againe. But these things I doe but mention, because they are more at large allready put forth in printe, by Mr. Winslow, at ye requeste of some freinds. And it is like ye reason was their owne ambition, who, (since ye death of so many of ye Indeans,) thought to dominire & lord it over ye rest, & conceived ye English would be a barr in their way, and saw that Massasoyt took sheilter allready under their wings.

But this made them ye more carefully to looke to them selves, so as they agreed to inclose their dwellings with a good strong pale, and make flankers in convenient places, with gates to shute, which were every night locked, and a watch kept, and when neede required ther was also warding in ye day time. And ye company was by ye Captaine and ye Govr advise, devided into 4. squadrons, and every one had ther quarter apoynted them, unto which they were to repaire upon any suddane alarme. And if ther should be any crie of fire, a company were appointed for a gard, with muskets, whilst others quenchet ye same, to prevent Indean treachery. This was accomplished very cherfully, and ye towne impayled round by ye begining of March, in which evry family had a prety garden plote secured. And herewith I shall end this year. Only I shall remember one passage more, rather of mirth then of waight. One ye day called Chrismasday, ye Govr caled them out to worke, (as was used,) but ye most of this new-company excused them selves and said it wente against their consciences to work on yt day. So ye Govr tould them that if they made it mater of conscience, he would spare them till they were better informed. So he led-away ye rest and left them; but when they came home at noone from their worke, he found them in ye streete at play, openly; some pitching ye barr, & some at stoole-ball, and shuch like sports. So he went to them, and tooke away their implements, and tould them that was against his conscience, that they should play & others worke. If they made ye keeping of it mater of devotion, let them kepe their houses, but ther should be no gameing or revelling in ye streets. Since which time nothing hath been atempted that way, at least openly.

Anno 1622.

At ye spring of ye year they had apointed ye Massachusets to come againe and trade with them, and begane now to prepare for that vioag about ye later end of March. But upon some rumors heard, Hobamak, their Indean, tould them upon some jealocies he had, he feared they were joyned wth ye Narighansets and might betray them if they were not carefull. He intimated also some jealocie of Squanto, by what he gathered from some private whisperings betweene him and other Indeans. But they resolved to proseede, and sente out their shalop with 10. of their cheefe men aboute ye begining of Aprill, and both Squanto & Hobamake with them, in regarde of ye jelocie betweene them. But they had not bene gone longe, but an Indean belonging to Squantos family came runing in seeming great fear, and tould them that many of ye Narihgansets, with Corbytant, and he thought also Massasoyte, were coming against them; and he gott away to tell them, not without danger. And being examined by ye Govr, he made as if they were at hand, and would still be looking back, as if they were at his heels. At which the Governor caused them to take armes & stand on their garde, and supposing ye boat to be still within hearing (by reason it was calme) caused a warning peece or 2. to be shote of, the which yey heard and came in. But no Indeans apeared; watch was kepte all night, but nothing was scene. Hobamak was confidente for Massasoyt, and thought all was false; yet ye Govr caused him to send his wife privatly, to see what she could observe (pretening other occasions), but ther was nothing found, but all was quiet. After this they proseeded on their vioge to ye Massachusets, and had good trade, and returned in saftie, blessed be God.

But by the former passages, and other things of like nature, they begane to see yt Squanto sought his owne ends, and plaid his owne game, by putting ye Indeans in fear, and drawing gifts from them to enrich him selfe; making them beleeve he could stur up warr against whom he would, & make peece for whom he would. Yea, he made them beleeve they kept ye plague buried in ye ground, and could send it amongs whom they would, which did much terrifie the Indeans, and made them depend more on him, and seeke more to him then to Massasoyte, which proucured him envie, and had like to have cost him his life. For after ye discovery of his practises, Massasoyt sought it both privatly and openly; which caused him to stick close to ye English, & never durst goe from them till he dyed. They also made good use of ye emulation yt grue betweene Hobamack and him, which made them cary more squarely. And ye Govr seemed to countenance ye one, and ye Captaine ye other, by which they had better intelligence, and made them both more diligente.

Now in a maner their provissions were wholy spent, and they looked hard for supply, but none came. But about ye later end of May, they spied a boat at sea, which at first they thought had beene some Frenchman; but it proved a shalop which came from a ship which Mr. Weston & an other had set out a fishing, at a place called Damarins-cove, 40. leagues to ye eastward of them, wher were yt year many more ships come a fishing. This boat brought 7. passengers and some letters, but no vitails, nor any hope of any. Some part of which I shall set downe.

Mr. Carver, in my last leters by ye Fortune, in whom Mr Cushman wente, and who I hope is with you, for we daly expecte ye shipe back againe. She departed hence, ye begining of July, with 35. persons, though not over well provided with necesaries, by reason of ye parsemonie of ye adventurers. I have solisited them to send you a supply of men and provissions before shee come. They all answer they will doe great maters, when they hear good news. Nothing before; so faithfull, constant, & carefull of your good, are your olde & honest freinds, that if they hear not from you, they are like to send you no supplie, &c. I am now to relate ye occasion of sending this ship, hoping if you give credite to my words, you will have a more favourable opinion of it, then some hear, wherof Pickering is one, who taxed me to mind my owne ends, which is in part true, &c. Mr. Beachamp and my selfe bought this litle ship, and have set her out, partly, if it may be, to uphold ye plantation, as well to doe others good as our selves; and partly to gett up what we are formerly out; though we are otherwise censured, &c. This is ye occasion we have sent this ship and these passengers, on our owne accounte; whom we desire you will frendly entertaine & supply with shuch necesaries as you cane spare, and they wante, &c. And among other things we pray you lend or sell them some seed corne, and if you have ye salt remaining of ye last year, that yu will let them have it for their presente use, and we will either pay you for it, or give you more when we have set our salt-pan to worke, which we desire may be set up in one of ye litle ilands in your bay, &c. And because we intende, if God plase, (and ye generallitie doe it not,) to send within a month another shipe, who, having discharged her passengers, shal goe to Virginia, &c. And it may be we shall send a small ship to abide with you on ye coast, which I conceive may be a great help to ye plantation. To ye end our desire may be effected, which, I assure my selfe, will be also for your good, we pray you give them entertainmente in your houses ye time they shall be with you, that they may lose no time, but may presently goe in hand to fell trees & cleave them, to ye end lading may be ready and our ship stay not.

Some of ye adventurers have sent you hearwith all some directions for your furtherance in ye com̅one bussines, who are like those St. James speaks of, yt bid their brother eat, and warme him, but give him nothing; so they bid you make salt, and uphold ye plantation, but send you no means wherwithall to doe it, &c. By ye next we purpose to send more people on our owne accounte, and to take a patente; that if your peopl should be as unhumane as some of ye adventurers, not to admite us to dwell with them, which were extreme barbarisme, and which will never enter into my head to thinke you have any shuch Pickerings amongst you. Yet to satisfie our passengers I must of force doe it; and for some other reasons not necessary to be writen, &c. I find ye generall so backward, and your freinds at Leyden so could, that I fear you must stand on your leggs, and trust (as they say) to God and your selves.

Subscribed,

your loving freind,

Tho: Weston.

Jan: 12. 1621.

Sundry other things I pass over, being tedious & impertinent.

All this was but could comfort to fill their hungrie bellies, and a slender performance of his former late promiss; and as litle did it either fill or warme them, as those ye Apostle James spake of, by him before mentioned. And well might it make them remember what ye psalmist saith, Psa. 118. 8. It is better to trust in the Lord, then to have confidence in man. And Psa. 146. Put not you trust in princes (much less in ye marchants) nor in ye sone of man, for ther is no help in them. v. 5. Blesed is he that hath ye God of Jacob for his help, whose hope is in ye Lord his God. And as they were now fayled of suply by him and others in this their greatest neede and wants, which was caused by him and ye rest, who put so great a company of men upon them, as ye former company were, without any food, and came at shuch a time as they must live almost a whole year before any could be raised, excepte they had sente some; so, upon ye pointe they never had any supply of vitales more afterwards (but what the Lord gave them otherwise); for all ye company sent at any time was allways too short for those people yt came with it.

Ther came allso by ye same ship other leters, but of later date, one from Mr. Weston, an other from a parte of ye adventurers, as foloweth.

Mr. Carver, since my last, to ye end we might ye more readily proceed to help ye generall, at a meeting of some of ye principall adventurers, a proposition was put forth, & alowed by all presente (save Pickering), to adventure each man ye third parte of what he formerly had done. And ther are some other yt folow his example, and will adventure no furder. In regard wherof ye greater part of ye adventurers being willing to uphold ye bussines, finding it no reason that those yt are willing should uphold ye bussines of those that are unwilling, whose backwardnes doth discourage those that are forward, and hinder other new-adventurers from coming in, we having well considered therof, have resolved, according to an article in ye agreemente, (that it may be lawfull by a generall consente of ye adventurers & planters, upon just occasion, to breake of their joynte stock,) to breake it of; and doe pray you to ratifie, and confirme ye same on your parts. Which being done, we shall ye more willingly goe forward for ye upholding of you with all things necesarie. But in any case you must agree to ye artickls, and send it by ye first under your hands & seals. So I end

Your loving freind,

Tho: Weston.

Jan: 17. 1621.

Another leter was write from part of ye company of ye adventurers to the same purpose, and subscribed with 9. of their names, wherof Mr. Westons & Mr. Beachamphs were tow. Thes things seemed strang unto them, seeing this unconstancie & shufling; it made them to thinke ther was some misterie in ye matter. And therfore ye Govr concealed these letters from ye publick, only imparted them to some trustie freinds for advice, who concluded with him, that this tended to disband & scater them (in regard of their straits); and if Mr. Weston & others, who seemed to rune in a perticuler way, should come over with shiping so provided as his letters did intimate, they most would fall to him, to ye prejudice of them selves & ye rest of the adventurers, their freinds, from whom as yet they heard nothing. And it was doubted whether he had not sente over shuch a company in ye former ship, for shuch an end. Yet they tooke compassion of those 7. men which this ship, which fished to ye eastward, had kept till planting time was over, and so could set no corne; and allso wanting vitals, (for yey turned them off wthout any, and indeed wanted for them selves,) neither was their salt-pan come, so as yey could not performe any of those things which Mr. Weston had apointed, and might have starved if ye plantation had not succoured them; who, in their wants, gave them as good as any of their owne. The ship wente to Virginia, wher they sould both ship & fish, of which (it was conceived) Mr. Weston had a very slender accounte.

After this came another of his ships, and brought letters dated ye 10. of Aprill, from Mr. Weston, as followeth.

Mr. Bradford, these, &c. The Fortune is arived, of whose good news touching your estate & proceēings, I am very glad to hear. And how soever he was robed on ye way by ye Frenchmen, yet I hope your loss will not be great, for ye conceite of so great a returne doth much animate ye adventurers, so yt I hope some matter of importance will be done by them, &c. As for my selfe, I have sould my adventure & debts unto them, so as I am quit of you, & you of me, for that matter, &c. Now though I have nothing to pretend as an adventurer amongst you, yet I will advise you a litle for your good, if you can apprehend it. I perceive & know as well as another, ye dispositions of your adventurers, whom ye hope of gaine hath drawne on to this they have done; and yet I fear yt hope will not draw them much furder. Besids, most of them are against the sending of them of Leyden, for whose cause this bussines was first begune, and some of ye most religious (as Mr. Greene by name) excepts against them. So yt my advice is (you may follow it if you please) that you forthwith break of your joynte stock, which you have warente to doe, both in law & conscience, for ye most parte of ye adventurers have given way unto it by a former letter. And ye means you have ther, which I hope will be to some purpose by ye trade of this spring, may, with ye help of some freinds hear, bear ye charge of trāsporting those of Leyden; and when they are with you I make no question but by Gods help you will be able to subsist of your selves. But I shall leave you to your discretion.

I desired diverce of ye adventurers, as Mr. Peirce, Mr. Greene, & others, if they had any thing to send you, either vitails or leters, to send them by these ships; and marvelling they sent not so much as a letter, I asked our passengers what leters they had, and with some dificultie one of them tould me he had one, which was delivered him with great charge of secrecie; and for more securitie, to buy a paire of new-shoes, & sow it betweene ye soles for fear of intercepting. I, taking ye leter, wondering what mistrie might be in it, broke it open, and found this treacherous letter subscribed by ye hands of Mr. Pickering & Mr. Greene. Wich leter had it come to your hands without answer, might have caused ye hurt, if not ye ruine, of us all. For assuredly if you had followed their instructions, and shewed us that unkindness which they advise you unto, to hold us in distruste as enimise, &c., it might have been an occasion to have set us togeather by ye eares, to ye distruction of us all. For I doe beleeve that in shuch a case, they knowing what bussines hath been betweene us, not only my brother, but others also, would have been violent, and heady against you, &c. I mente to have setled ye people I before and now send, with or near you, as well for their as your more securitie and defence, as help on all occasions. But I find ye adventurers so jealous & suspitious, that I have altered my resolution, & given order to my brother & those with him, to doe as they and him selfe shall find fitte. Thus, &c.

Your loving freind,

Tho: Weston.

Aprill 10. 1621.

Some part of Mr. Pickerings letter before mentioned.

To Mr. Bradford & Mr. Brewster, &c.

My dear love remembred unto you all, &c. The company hath bought out Mr. Weston, and are very glad they are freed of him, he being judged a man yt thought him selfe above ye generall, and not expresing so much ye fear of God as was meete in a man to whom shuch trust should have been reposed in a matter of so great importance. I am sparing to be so plaine as indeed is clear against him; but a few words to ye wise.

Mr. Weston will not permitte leters to be sent in his ships, nor any thing for your good or ours, of which ther is some reason in respecte of him selfe, &c. His brother Andrew, whom he doth send as principall in one of these ships, is a heady yong man, & violente, and set against you ther, & ye company hear; ploting with Mr. Weston their owne ends, which tend to your & our undooing in respecte of our estates ther, and prevention of our good ends. For by credible testimoney we are informed his purpose is to come to your colonie, pretending he comes for and from ye adventurers, and will seeke to gett what you have in readynes into his ships, as if they came from ye company, & possessing all, will be so much profite to him selfe. And further to informe them selves what spetiall places or things you have discovered, to ye end that they may supres & deprive you, &c.

The Lord, who is ye watchman of Israll & slepeth not, preserve you & deliver you from unreasonable men. I am sorie that ther is cause to admonish you of these things concerning this man; so I leave you to God, who bless and multiply you into thousands, to the advancemente of ye glorious gospell of our Lord Jesus. Amen. Fare well.

Your loving freinds,

Edward Pickering.

William Greene.

I pray conceale both ye writing & deliverie of this leter, but make the best use of it. We hope to sete forth a ship our selves with in this month.

The heads of his answer.

Mr. Bradford, this is ye leter yt I wrote unto you of, which to answer in every perticuler is needles & tedious. My owne conscience & all our people can and I thinke will testifie, yt my end in sending ye ship Sparrow was your good, &c. Now I will not deney but ther are many of our people rude fellows, as these men terme them; yet I presume they will be governed by such as I set over them. And I hope not only to be able to reclaime them from yt profanenes that may scandalise ye vioage, but by degrees to draw them to God, &c. I am so farr from sending rude fellows to deprive you either by fraude or violence of what is yours, as I have charged ye mr. of ye ship Sparrow, not only to leave with you 2000. of bread, but also a good quantitie of fish, &c. But I will leave it to you to consider what evill this leter would or might have done, had it come to your hands & taken ye effecte ye other desired.

Now if you be of ye mind yt these men are, deale plainly with us, & we will seeke our residence els-wher. If you are as freindly as we have thought you to be, give us ye entertainment of freinds, and we will take nothing from you, neither meat, drinke, nor lodging, but what we will, in one kind or other, pay you for, &c. I shall leave in ye countrie a litle ship (if God send her safe thither) with mariners & fisher-men to stay ther, who shall coast, & trad with ye savages, & ye old plantation. It may be we shall be as helpfull to you, as you will be to us. I thinke I shall see you ye next spring; and so I comend you to ye protection of God, who ever keep you.

Your loving freind,

Tho: Weston.

Thus all ther hops in regard of Mr. Weston were layed in ye dust, and all his promised helpe turned into an empttie advice, which they apprehended was nether lawfull nor profitable for them to follow. And they were not only thus left destitute of help in their extreme wants, haveing neither vitails, nor any thing to trade with, but others prepared & ready to glean up what ye cuntrie might have afforded for their releefe. As for those harsh censures & susspitions intimated in ye former and following leters, they desired to judg as charitably and wisly of them as they could, waighing them in ye ballance of love and reason; and though they (in parte) came from godly & loveing freinds, yet they conceived many things might arise from over deepe jealocie and fear, togeather with unmeete provocations, though they well saw Mr. Weston pursued his owne ends, and was imbittered in spirite. For after the receit of ye former leters, the Govr received one from Mr. Cushman, who went home in ye ship, and was allway intimate with Mr. Weston, (as former passages declare), and it was much marveled that nothing was heard from him, all this while. But it should seeme it was ye difficulty of sending, for this leter was directed as ye leter of a wife to her husband, who was here, and brought by him to ye Govr. It was as followeth.

Beloved Sr: I hartily salute you, with trust of your health, and many thanks for your love. By Gods providence we got well home ye 17. of Feb. Being robbed by ye French-men by ye way, and carried by them into France, and were kepte ther 15. days, and lost all yt we had that was worth taking; but thanks be to God, we escaped with our lives & ship. I see not yt it worketh any discouragment hear. I purpose by Gods grace to see you shortly, I hope in June nexte, or before. In ye mean space know these things, and I pray you be advertised a litle. Mr. Weston hath quite broken of from our company, through some discontents yt arose betwext him and some of our adventurers, & hath sould all his adventurs, & hath now sent 3. smale ships for his perticuler plantation. The greatest wherof, being 100. tune, Mr. Reynolds goeth mr. and he with ye rest purposeth to come him selfe; for what end I know not.

The people which they cary are no men for us, wherfore I pray you entertaine them not, neither exchainge man for man with them, excepte it be some of your worst. He hath taken a patente for him selfe. If they offerr to buy any thing of you, let it be shuch as you can spare, and let them give ye worth of it. If they borrow any thing of you, let them leave a good pawne, &c. It is like he will plant to ye southward of ye Cape, for William Trevore hath lavishly tould but what he knew or imagined of Capewack, Mohiggen, & ye Narigansets. I fear these people will hardly deale so well with ye savages as they should. I pray you therfore signifie to Squanto, that they are a distincte body from us, and we have nothing to doe with them, neither must be blamed for their falts, much less can warrente their fidelitie. We are aboute to recover our losses in France. Our freinds at Leyden are well, and will come to you as many as can this time. I hope all will turne to ye best, wherfore I pray you be not discouraged, but gather up your selfe to goe thorow these dificulties cherfully & with courage in yt place wherin God hath sett you, untill ye day of refreshing come. And ye Lord God of sea & land bring us comfortably togeather againe, if it may stand with his glorie.

Yours,

Robart Cushman.

On ye other sid of ye leafe, in ye same leter, came these few lines from Mr. John Peirce, in whose name the patente was taken, and of whom more will follow, to be spoken in its place.

Worthy Sr: I desire you to take into consideration that which is writen on ye other side, and not any way to damnifie your owne collony, whos strength is but weaknes, and may therby be more infeebled. And for ye leters of association, by ye next ship we send, I hope you shall receive satisfaction; in ye mean time whom you admite I will approve. But as for Mr. Weston's company, I thinke them so base in condition (for ye most parte) as in all apearance not fitt for an honest mans company. I wish they prove other wise. My purpose is not to enlarge my selfe, but cease in these few lins, and so rest

Your loving freind,

John Peirce.

All these things they pondred and well considered, yet concluded to give his men frendly entertainmente; partly in regard of Mr. Weston him selfe, considering what he had been unto them, & done for them, & to some, more espetially; and partly in compassion to ye people, who were now come into a willdernes, (as them selves were,) and were by ye ship to be presently put a shore, (for she was to cary other passengers to Virginia, who lay at great charge,) and they were alltogeather unacquainted & knew not what to doe. So as they had received his former company of 7. men, and vitailed them as their owne hitherto, so they also received these (being aboute 60. lusty men), and gave housing for them selves and their goods; and many being sicke, they had ye best means ye place could aford them. They stayed hear ye most parte of ye som̅er till ye ship came back againe from Virginia. Then, by his direction, or those whom he set over them, they removed into ye Massachusset Bay, he having got a patente for some part ther, (by light of ther former discovery in leters sent home). Yet they left all ther sicke folke hear till they were setled and housed. But of ther victails they had not any, though they were in great wante, nor any thing els in recompence of any courtecie done them; neither did they desire it, for they saw they were an unruly company, and had no good govermente over them, and by disorder would soone fall into wants if Mr. Weston came not ye sooner amongst them; and therfore, to prevente all after occasion, would have nothing of them.

Amids these streigths, and ye desertion of those from whom they had hoped for supply, and when famine begane now to pinch them sore, they not knowing what to doe, the Lord, (who never fails his,) presents them with an occasion, beyond all expectation. This boat which came from ye eastward brought them a letter from a stranger, of whose name they had never heard before, being a captaine of a ship come ther a fishing. This leter was as followeth. Being thus inscribed.

To all his good freinds at Plimoth, these, &c.

Freinds, cuntrimen, & neighbours: I salute you, and wish you all health and hapines in ye Lord. I make bould with these few lines to trouble you, because unless I were unhumane, I can doe no less. Bad news doth spread it selfe too farr; yet I will so farr informe you that my selfe, with many good freinds in ye south-collonie of Virginia, have received shuch a blow, that 400. persons large will not make good our losses. Therfore I doe intreat you (allthough not knowing you) that ye old rule which I learned when I went to schoole, may be sufficente. That is, Hapie is he whom other mens harmes doth make to beware. And now againe and againe, wishing all those yt willingly would serve ye Lord, all health and happines in this world, and everlasting peace in ye world to come. And so I rest,

Yours,

John Hudlston.

By this boat ye Govr returned a thankfull answer, as was meete, and sent a boate of their owne with them, which was piloted by them, in which Mr. Winslow was sente to procure what provissions he could of ye ships, who was kindly received by ye foresaid gentill-man, who not only spared what he could, but writ to others to doe ye like. By which means he gott some good quantitie and returned in saftie, by which ye plantation had a duble benefite, first, a present refreshing by ye food brought, and secondly, they knew ye way to those parts for their benifite hearafter. But what was gott, & this small boat brought, being devided among so many, came but to a litle, yet by Gods blesing it upheld them till harvest. It arose but to a quarter of a pound of bread a day to each person; and ye Govr caused it to be dayly given them, otherwise, had it been in their owne custody, they would have eate it up & then starved. But thus, with what els they could get, they made pretie shift till corne was ripe.

This som̅er they builte a fort with good timber, both strong & comly, which was of good defence, made with a flate rofe & batllments, on which their ordnance were mounted, and wher they kepte constante watch, espetially in time of danger. It served them allso for a meeting house, and was fitted accordingly for that use. It was a great worke for them in this weaknes and time of wants; but ye deanger of ye time required it, and both ye continuall rumors of ye fears from ye Indeans hear, espetially ye Narigansets, and also ye hearing of that great massacre in Virginia, made all hands willing to despatch ye same.

Now ye wellcome time of harvest aproached, in which all had their hungrie bellies filled. But it arose but to a litle, in comparison of a full years supplie; partly by reason they were not yet well aquainted with ye man̅er of Indean corne, (and they had no other,) allso their many other imployments, but cheefly their weaknes for wante of food, to tend it as they should have done. Also much was stolne both by night & day, before it became scarce eatable, & much more afterward. And though many were well whipt (when they were taken) for a few ears of corne, yet hunger made others (whom conscience did not restraine) to venture. So as it well appeared ye famine must still insue ye next year allso, if not some way prevented, or supplie should faile, to which they durst not trust. Markets there was none to goe too, but only ye Indeans, and they had no trading comodities. Behold now another providence of God; a ship comes into ye harbor, one Captain Jons being cheefe therin. They were set out by some marchants to discovere all ye harbors betweene this & Virginia, and ye shoulds of Cap-Cod, and to trade along ye coast wher they could. This ship had store of English-beads (which were then good trade) and some knives, but would sell none but at dear rates, and also a good quantie togeather. Yet they weere glad of ye occasion, and faine to buy at any rate; they were faine to give after ye rate of cento per cento, if not more, and yet pay away coat-beaver at 3s. perli, which in a few years after yeelded 20s. By this means they were fitted againe to trade for beaver & other things, and intended to buy what corne they could.

But I will hear take liberty to make a litle digression. Ther was in this ship a gentle-man by name Mr. John Poory; he had been secretarie in Virginia, and was now going home passenger in this ship. After his departure he write a leter to ye Govr in the postscrite wherof he hath these lines.

To your selfe and Mr. Brewster, I must acknowledg my selfe many ways indebted, whose books I would have you thinke very well bestowed on him, who esteemeth them shuch juells. My hast would not suffer me to remember (much less to begg) Mr. Ainsworths elaborate worke upon ye 5. books of Moyses. Both his & Mr. Robinsons doe highly commend the authors, as being most conversante in ye scripturs of all others. And what good (who knows) it may please God to worke by them, through my hands, (though most unworthy,) who finds shuch high contente in them. God have you all in his keeping.

Your unfained and firme friend,

John Pory.

Aug. 28. 1622.

These things I hear inserte for honour sake of ye authors memorie, which this gentle-man doth thus ingeniusly acknowledg; and him selfe after his returne did this poore-plantation much credite amongst those of no mean ranck. But to returne.

Shortly after harvest Mr. Westons people who were now seated at ye Massachusets, and by disorder (as it seems) had made havock of their provissions, begane now to perceive that want would come upon them. And hearing that they hear had bought trading comodities & intended to trade for corne, they write to ye Govr and desired they might joyne with them, and they would imploy their small ship in ye servise; and furder requested either to lend or sell them so much of their trading comodities as their part might come to, and they would undertake to make paymente when Mr. Weston, or their supply, should come. The Govr condesended upon equall terms of agreemente, thinkeing to goe aboute ye Cap to ye southward with ye ship, wher some store of corne might be got. Althings being provided, Captaint Standish was apointed to goe with them, and Squanto for a guid & interpreter, about ye latter end of September; but ye winds put them in againe, & putting out ye 2. time, he fell sick of a feavor, so ye Govr wente him selfe. But they could not get aboute ye should of Cap-Cod, for flats & breakers, neither could Squanto directe them better, nor ye mr. durst venture any further, so they put into Manamoyack Bay and got wt they could ther. In this place Squanto fell sick of an Indean feavor, bleeding much at ye nose (which ye Indeans take for a simptome of death), and within a few days dyed ther; desiring ye Govr to pray for him, that he might goe to ye Englishmens God in heaven, and bequeathed sundrie of his things to sundry of his English freinds, as remembrances of his love; of whom they had a great loss. They got in this vioage, in one place & other, about 26. or 28. hogsheads of corne & beans, which was more then the Indeans could well spare in these parts, for ye set but a litle till they got English hows. And so were faine to returne, being sory they could not gett about the Cap, to have been better laden. After ward ye Govr tooke a few men & wente to ye inland places, to get what he could, and to fetch it home at ye spring, which did help them something.

After these things, in Feb: a messenger came from John Sanders, who was left cheefe over Mr. Weston's men in ye bay of Massachusets, who brought a letter shewing the great wants they were falen into; and he would have borrowed a ħħ of corne of ye Indeans, but they would lend him none. He desired advice whether he might not take it from them by force to succore his men till he came from ye eastward, whither he was going. The Govr & rest deswaded him by all means from it, for it might so exasperate the Indeans as might endanger their saftie, and all of us might smart for it; for they had already heard how they had so wronged ye Indeans by stealing their corne, &c. as they were much incensed against them. Yea, so base were some of their own company, as they wente & tould ye Indeans yt their Govr was purposed to come and take their corne by force. The which with other things made them enter into a conspiracie against ye English, of which more in ye nexte. Hear with I end this year.

Anno Dom: 1623.

It may be thought strang that these people should fall to these extremities in so short a time, being left competently provided when ye ship left them, and had an addition by that moyetie of corn that was got by trade, besids much they gott of ye Indans wher they lived, by one means & other. It must needs be their great disorder, for they spent excesseivly whilst they had, or could get it; and, it may be, wasted parte away among ye Indeans (for he yt was their cheef was taxed by some amongst them for keeping Indean women, how truly I know not). And after they begane to come into wants, many sould away their cloathes and bed coverings; others (so base were they) became servants to ye Indeans, and would cutt them woode & fetch them water, for a cap full of corne; others fell to plaine stealing, both night & day, from ye Indeans, of which they greevosly complained. In ye end, they came to that misery, that some starved & dyed with could & hunger. One in geathering shell-fish was so weake as he stuck fast in ye mudd, and was found dead in ye place. At last most of them left their dwellings & scatered up & downe in ye woods, & by ye water sids, wher they could find ground nuts & clames, hear 6. and ther ten. By which their cariages they became contemned & scorned of ye Indeans, and they begane greatly to insulte over them in a most insolente maner; insomuch, many times as they lay thus scatered abrod, and had set on a pot with ground nuts or shell-fish, when it was ready the Indeans would come and eate it up; and when night came, wheras some of them had a sorie blanket, or such like, to lappe them selves in, the Indeans would take it and let ye other lye all nighte in the could; so as their condition was very lamentable. Yea, in ye end they were faine to hange one of their men, whom they could not reclaime from stealing, to give ye Indeans contente.

Whilst things wente in this maner with them, ye Govr & people hear had notice yt Massasoyte ther freind was sick & near unto death. They sent to vissete him, and withall sente him such comfortable things as gave him great contente, and was a means of his recovery; upon which occasion he discovers ye conspiracie of these Indeans, how they were resolved to cutt of Mr. Westons people, for the continuall injuries they did them, & would now take opportunitie of their weaknes to doe it; and for that end had conspired with other Indeans their neighbours their aboute. And thinking the people hear would revenge their death, they therfore thought to doe ye like by them, & had solisited him to joyne with them. He advised them therfore to prevent it, and that speedly by taking of some of ye cheefe of them, before it was to late, for he asured them of ye truth hereof.

This did much trouble them, and they tooke it into serious delibration, and found upon examenation other evidence to give light hear unto, to longe hear to relate. In ye mean time, came one of them from ye Massachucets, with a small pack at his back; and though he knew not a foote of ye way, yet he got safe hither, but lost his way, which was well for him, for he was pursued, and so was mist. He tould them hear how all things stood amongst them, and that he durst stay no longer, he apprehended they (by what he observed) would be all knokt in ye head shortly. This made them make ye more hast, & dispatched a boate away wth Capten Standish & some men, who found them in a miserable condition, out of which he rescued them, and helped them to some releef, cut of some few of ye cheefe conspirators, and, according to his order, offered to bring them all hither if they thought good; and they should fare no worse then them selves, till Mr. Weston or some supplie came to them. Or, if any other course liked them better, he was to doe them any helpfullnes he could. They thanked him & ye rest. But most of them desired he would help them with some corne, and they would goe with their smale ship to ye eastward, wher hapily they might here of Mr. Weston, or some supply from him, seing ye time of ye year was for fishing ships to be in ye land. If not, they would worke among ye fishermen for their liveing, and get ther passage into England, if they heard nothing from Mr. Weston in time. So they shipped what they had of any worth, and he got them all ye corne he could (scarce leaving to bring him home), and saw them well out of the bay, under saile at sea, and so came home, not takeing ye worth of a peny of any thing that was theirs. I have but touched these things breefly, because they have allready been published in printe more at large.

This was ye end of these that some time bosted of their strength, (being all able lustie men,) and what they would doe & bring to pass, in comparison of ye people hear, who had many women & children and weak ons amongst them; and said at their first arivall, when they saw the wants hear, that they would take an other course, and not to fall into shuch a condition, as this simple people were come too. But a mans way is not in his owne power; God can make ye weake to stand; let him also that standeth take heed least he fall.

Shortly after, Mr. Weston came over with some of ye fishermen, under another name, and ye disguise of a blacke-smith, were he heard of ye ruine and disolution of his colony. He got a boat and with a man or 2. came to see how things were. But by ye way, for wante of skill, in a storme, he cast away his shalop in ye botome of ye bay between Meremek river & Pascataquack, & hardly escaped with life, and afterwards fell into the hands of ye Indeans, who pillaged him of all he saved from the sea, & striped him out of all his cloaths to his shirte. At last he got to Pascataquack, & borrowed a suite of cloaths, and got means to come to Plimoth. A strang alteration ther was in him to such as had seen & known him in his former florishing condition; so uncertaine are ye mutable things of this unstable world. And yet men set their harts upon them, though they dayly see ye vanity therof.

After many passages, and much discourse, (former things boyling in his mind, but bit in as was discernd,) he desired to borrow some beaver of them; and tould them he had hope of a ship & good supply to come to him, and then they should have any thing for it they stood in neede of. They gave litle credite to his supplie, but pitied his case, and remembered former curtesies. They tould him he saw their wants, and they knew not when they should have any supply; also how ye case stood betweene them & their adventurers, he well knew; they had not much bever, & if they should let him have it, it were enoughe to make a mutinie among ye people, seeing ther was no other means to procure them foode which they so much wanted, & cloaths allso. Yet they tould him they would help him, considering his necessitie, but must doe it secretly for ye former reasons. So they let him have 100. beaver-skins, which waighed 170li. odd pounds. Thus they helpt him when all ye world faild him, and with this means he went againe to ye ships, and stayed his small ship & some of his men, & bought provissions and fited him selfe; and it was ye only foundation of his after course. But he requited them ill, for he proved after a bitter enimie unto them upon all occasions, and never repayed them any thing for it, to this day, but reproches and evill words. Yea, he divolged it to some that were none of their best freinds, whilst he yet had ye beaver in his boat; that he could now set them all togeather by ye ears, because they had done more then they could answer, in letting him have this beaver, and he did not spare to doe what he could. But his malice could not prevaile.

All this whille no supply was heard of, neither knew they when they might expecte any. So they begane to thinke how they might raise as much corne as they could, and obtaine a beter crope then they had done, that they might not still thus languish in miserie. At length, after much debate of things, the Govr (with ye advise of ye cheefest amongest them) gave way that they should set corne every man for his owne perticuler, and in that regard trust to them selves; in all other things to goe on in ye generall way as before. And so assigned to every family a parcell of land, according to the proportion of their number for that end, only for present use (but made no devission for inheritance), and ranged all boys & youth under some familie. This had very good success; for it made all hands very industrious, so as much more corne was planted then other waise would have bene by any means ye Govr or any other could use, and saved him a great deall of trouble, and gave farr better contente. The women now wente willingly into ye feild, and tooke their litle-ons with them to set corne, which before would aledg weaknes, and inabilitie; whom to have compelled would have bene thought great tiranie and oppression.

The experience that was had in this com̅one course and condition, tried sundrie years, and that amongst godly and sober men, may well evince the vanitie of that conceite of Platos & other ancients, applauded by some of later times;—that ye taking away of propertie, and bringing in com̅unitie into a comone wealth, would make them happy and florishing; as if they were wiser then God. For this comunitie (so farr as it was) was found to breed much confusion & discontent, and retard much imploymēt that would have been to their benefite and comforte. For ye yong-men that were most able and fitte for labour & service did repine that they should spend their time & streingth to worke for other mens wives and children, with out any recompence. The strong, or man of parts, had no more in devission of victails & cloaths, then he that was weake and not able to doe a quarter ye other could; this was thought injuestice. The aged and graver men to be ranked and equalised in labours, and victails, cloaths, &c., with ye meaner & yonger sorte, thought it some indignite & disrespect unto them. And for mens wives to be commanded to doe servise for other men, as dresing their meate, washing their cloaths, &c., they deemd it a kind of slaverie, neither could many husbands well brooke it. Upon ye poynte all being to have alike, and all to doe alike, they thought them selves in ye like condition, and one as good as another; and so, if it did not cut of those relations that God hath set amongest men, yet it did at least much diminish and take of ye mutuall respects that should be preserved amongst them. And would have bene worse if they had been men of another condition. Let none objecte this is men's corruption, and nothing to ye course it selfe. I answer, seeing all men have this corruption in them, God in his wisdome saw another course fiter for them.

But to returne. After this course setled, and by that their cor̅e was planted, all ther victails were spente, and they were only to rest on Gods providence; at night not many times knowing wher to have a bitt of any thing ye next day. And so, as one well observed, had need to pray that God would give them their dayly brade, above all people in ye world. Yet they bore these wants with great patience & allacritie of spirite, and that for so long a time as for ye most parte of 2. years; which makes me remember what Peter Martire writs, (in magnifying ye Spaniards) in his 5. Decade, pag. 208. They (saith he) led a miserable life for 5. days togeather, with ye parched graine of maize only, and that not to saturitie; and then concluds, that shuch pains, shuch labours, and shuch hunger, he thought none living which is not a Spaniard could have endured. But alass! these, when they had maize (yt is, Indean corne) they thought it as good as a feast, and wanted not only for 5. days togeather, but some time 2. or 3. months togeather, and neither had bread nor any kind of corne. Indeed, in an other place, in his 2. Decade, page 94. he mentions how others of them were worse put to it, wher they were faine to eate doggs, toads, and dead men, and so dyed almost all. From these extremities the Lord in his goodnes kept these his people, and in their great wants preserved both their lives and healthes; let his name have ye praise. Yet let me hear make use of his conclusion, which in some sorte may be applied to this people: That with their miseries they opened a way to these new-lands; and after these stormes, with what ease other men came to inhabite in them, in respecte of ye calamities these men suffered; so as they seeme to goe to a bride feaste wher all things are provided for them.

They haveing but one boat left and she not over well fitted, they were devided into severall companies, 6. or 7. to a gangg or company, and so wente out with a nett they had bought, to take bass & such like fish, by course, every company knowing their turne. No sooner was ye boate discharged of what she brought, but ye next company tooke her and wente out with her. Neither did they returne till they had cauight something, though it were 5. or 6. days before, for they knew ther was nothing at home, and to goe home emptie would be a great discouragemente to ye rest. Yea, they strive who should doe best. If she stayed longe or got litle, then all went to seeking of shel-fish, which at low-water they digged out of ye sands. And this was their living in ye som̅er time, till God sente ym beter; & in winter they were helped with ground-nuts and foule. Also in ye som̅er they gott now & then a dear; for one or 2. of ye fitest was apoynted to range ye woods for yt end, & what was gott that way was devided amongst them.

At length they received some leters from ye adventurers, too long and tedious hear to record, by which they heard of their furder crosses and frustrations; begining in this maner.

Loving freinds, as your sorrows & afflictions have bin great, so our croses & interceptions in our proceedings hear, have not been small. For after we had with much trouble & charge sente ye Parragon away to sea, and thought all ye paine past, within 14. days after she came againe hither, being dangerously leaked, and brused with tempestious stormes, so as shee was faine to be had into ye docke, and an 100li. bestowed upon her. All ye passengers lying upon our charg for 6. or 7. weeks, and much discontent and distemper was occasioned hereby, so as some dangerous evente had like to insewed. But we trust all shall be well and worke for ye best and your benefite, if yet with patience you can waite, and but have strength to hold in life. Whilst these things were doing, Mr. Westons ship came and brought diverce leters from you, &c. It rejoyseth us much to hear of those good reports yt diverce have brought home from you, &c.

These letters were dated Des. 21: 1622.

So farr of this leter.

This ship was brought by Mr. John Peirce, and set out at his owne charge, upon hope of great maters. These passengers, & ye goods the company sent in her, he tooke in for fraught, for which they agreed with him to be delivered hear. This was he in whose name their first patente was taken, by reason of aquaintance, and some aliance that some of their freinds had with him. But his name was only used in trust. But when he saw they were hear hopfully thus seated, and by ye success God gave them had obtained ye favour of ye Counsell of New-England, he goes and sues to them for another patent of much larger extente (in their names), which was easily obtained. But he mente to keep it to him selfe and alow them what he pleased, to hold of him as tenants, and sue to his courts as cheefe Lord, as will appear by that which follows. But ye Lord marvelously crost him; for after this first returne, and ye charge above mentioned, when shee was againe fitted, he pesters him selfe and taks in more passengers, and those not very good to help to bear his losses, and sets out ye 2. time. But what ye event was will appear from another leter from one of ye cheefe of ye company, dated ye 9. of Aprill, 1623. writ to ye Govr hear, as followeth.

Loving freind, when I write my last leter, I hope to have received one from you well-nigh by this time. But when I write in Des: I litle thought to have seen Mr. John Peirce till he had brought some good tidings from you. But it pleased God, he brought us ye wofull tidings of his returne when he was half-way over, by extraime tempest, werin ye goodnes & mercie of God appeared in sparing their lives, being 109. souls. The loss is so great to Mr. Peirce, &c., and ye companie put upon so great charge, as veryly, &c.

Now with great trouble & loss, we have got Mr. John Peirce to assigne over ye grand patente to ye companie, which he had taken in his owne name, and made quite voyd our former grante. I am sorie to writ how many hear thinke yt the hand of God was justly against him, both ye first and 2. time of his returne; in regard he, whom you and we so confidently trusted, but only to use his name for ye company, should aspire to be lord over us all, and so make you & us tenants at his will and pleasure, our assurance or patente being quite voyd & disanuled by his means. I desire to judg charitably of him. But his unwillingnes to part with his royall Lordship, and ye high-rate he set it at, which was 500li. which cost him but 50li., maks many speake and judg hardly of him. The company are out for goods in his ship, with charge aboute ye passengers, 640li., &c.

We have agreed with 2. marchants for a ship of 140. tunes, caled ye Anne, which is to be ready ye last of this month, to bring 60. passengers & 60. tune of goods, &c.

This was dated Aprill 9. 1623.

These were ther owne words and judgmente of this mans dealing & proceedings; for I thought it more meete to render them in theirs then my owne words. And yet though ther was never got other recompence then the resignation of this patente, and ye shares he had in adventure, for all ye former great sumes, he was never quiet, but sued them in most of ye cheefe courts in England, and when he was still cast, brought it to ye Parlemente. But he is now dead, and I will leave him to ye Lord.

This ship suffered ye greatest extreemitie at sea at her 2. returne, that one shall lightly hear of, to be saved; as I have been informed by Mr. William Peirce who was then mr. of her, and many others that were passengers in her. It was aboute ye midle of Feb: The storme was for ye most parte of 14. days, but for 2. or 3. days & nights togeather in most violent extremitie. After they had cut downe their mast, ye storme beat of their round house and all their uper works; 3. men had worke enough at ye helme, and he that cund ye ship before ye sea, was faine to be bound fast for washing away; the seas did so over-rake them, as many times those upon ye decke knew not whether they were within bord or withoute; and once she was so foundered in ye sea as they all thought she would never rise againe. But yet ye Lord preserved them, and brought them at last safe to Ports-mouth, to ye wonder of all men yt saw in what a case she was in, and heard what they had endured.

About ye later end of June came in a ship, with Captaine Francis West, who had a comission to be admirall of New-England, to restraine interlopers, and shuch fishing ships as came to fish & trade without a licence from ye Counsell of New-England, for which they should pay a round sume of money. But he could doe no good of them, for they were to stronge for him, and he found ye fisher men to be stuberne fellows. And their owners, upon complainte made to ye Parlemente, procured an order yt fishing should be free. He tould ye Govr they spooke with a ship at sea, and were abord her, yt was coming for this plantation, in which were sundrie passengers, and they marvelled she was not arrived, fearing some miscariage; for they lost her in a storme that fell shortly after they had been abord. Which relation filled them full of fear, yet mixed with hope. The mr. of this ship had some 2. ħħ of pease to sell, but seeing their wants, held them at 9li. sterling a hoggshead, & under 8li. he would not take, and yet would have beaver at an under rate. But they tould him they had lived so long with out, and would doe still, rather then give so unreasonably. So they went from hence to Virginia.

About 14. days after came in this ship, caled ye Anne, wherof Mr. William Peirce was mr., and aboute a weeke or 10. days after came in ye pinass which in foule weather they lost at sea, a fine new vessell of about 44. tune, which ye company had builte to stay in the cuntrie. They brought about 60. persons for ye generall, some of them being very usefull persons, and became good members to ye body, and some were ye wives and children of shuch as were hear allready. And some were so bad, as they were faine to be at charge to send them home againe ye next year. Also, besids these ther came a company, that did not belong to ye generall body, but came one their perticuler, and were to have lands assigned them, and be for them selves, yet to be subjecte to ye generall Goverment; which caused some diferance and disturbance amongst them, as will after appeare. I shall hear againe take libertie to inserte a few things out of shuch leters as came in this shipe, desiring rather to manefest things in ther words and apprehentions, then in my owne, as much as may be, without tediousness.

Beloved freinds, I kindly salute you all, with trust of your healths & wellfare, being right sorie yt no supplie hath been made to you all this while; for defence wher of, I must referr you to our generall leters. Naitheir indeed have we now sent you many things, which we should & would, for want of money. But persons, more then inough, (though not all we should,) for people come flying in upon us, but monys come creeping in to us. Some few of your old freinds are come, as, &c. So they come droping to you, and by degrees, I hope ere long you shall enjoye them all. And because people press so hard upon us to goe, and often shuch as are none of ye fitest, I pray you write ernestly to ye Treasurer and directe what persons should be sente. It greeveth me to see so weake a company sent you, and yet had I not been hear they had been weaker. You must still call upon the company hear to see yt honest men be sente you, and threaten to send them back if any other come, &c. We are not any way so much in danger, as by corrupte an noughty persons. Shuch, and shuch, came without my consente; but ye importunitie of their freinds got promise of our Treasurer in my absence. Neither is ther need we should take any lewd men, for we may have honest men enew, &c.

Your assured freind,

R. C.

The following was from ye genrall.

Loving freinds, we most hartily salute you in all love and harty affection; being yet in hope yt the same God which hath hithertoo preserved you in a marvelous maner, doth yet continue your lives and health, to his owne praise and all our comforts. Being right sory that you have not been sent unto all this time, &c. We have in this ship sent shuch women, as were willing and ready to goe to their husbands and freinds, with their children, &c. We would not have you discontente, because we have not sent you more of your old freinds, and in speciall, him on whom you most depend. Farr be it from us to neclecte you, or contemne him. But as ye intente was at first, so ye evente at last shall shew it, that we will deal fairly, and squarly answer your expectations to the full. Ther are also come unto you, some honest men to plant upon their particulers besids you. A thing which if we should not give way unto, we should wrong both them and you. Them, by puting them on things more inconveniente, and you, for that being honest men, they will be a strengthening to ye place, and good neighbours unto you. Tow things we would advise you of, which we have likwise signified them hear. First, ye trade for skins to be retained for the generall till ye devidente; 2ly. yt their setling by you, be with shuch distance of place as is neither inconvenient for ye lying of your lands, nor hurtfull to your speedy & easie assembling togeather.

We have sente you diverse fisher men, with salte, &c. Diverse other provissions we have sente you, as will appear in your bill of lading, and though we have not sent all we would (because our cash is small), yet it is yt we could, &c.

And allthough it seemeth you have discovered many more rivers and fertill grounds then yt wher you are, yet seeing by Gods providence yt place fell to your lote, let it be accounted as your portion; and rather fixe your eyes upon that which may be done ther, then languish in hops after things els-wher. If your place be not ye best, it is better, you shall be ye less envied and encroached upon; and shuch as are earthly minded, will not setle too near your border. If ye land afford you bread, and ye sea yeeld you fish, rest you a while contented, God will one day afford you better fare. And all men shall know you are neither fugetives nor discontents. But can, if God so order it, take ye worst to your selves, with content, & leave ye best to your neighbours, with cherfullnes.

Let it not be greeveous unto you yt you have been instruments to breake ye ise for others who come after with less dificulty, the honour shall be yours to ye worlds end, &c.

We bear you always in our brests, and our harty affection is towards you all, as are ye harts of hundreds more which never saw your faces, who doubtles pray for your saftie as their owne, as we our selves both doe & ever shall, that ye same God which hath so marvelously preserved you from seas, foes, and famine, will still preserve you from all future dangers, and make you honourable amongst men, and glorious in blise at ye last day. And so ye Lord be with you all & send us joyfull news from you, and inable us with one shoulder so to accomplish & perfecte this worke, as much glorie may come to Him yt confoundeth ye mighty by the weak, and maketh small thinges great. To whose greatnes, be all glorie for ever & ever.

This leter was subscribed with 13. of their names.

These passengers, when they saw their low & poore condition a shore, were much danted and dismayed, and according to their diverse humores were diversly affected; some wished them selves in England againe; others fell a weeping, fancying their own miserie in what yey saw now in others; other some pitying the distress they saw their freinds had been long in, and still were under; in a word, all were full of sadnes. Only some of their old freinds rejoysed to see them, and yt it was no worse with them, for they could not expecte it should be better, and now hoped they should injoye better days togeather. And truly it was no marvell they should be thus affected, for they were in a very low condition, many were ragged in aparell, & some litle beter then halfe naked; though some yt were well stord before, were well enough in this regard. But for food they were all alike, save some yt had got a few pease of ye ship yt was last hear. The best dish they could presente their freinds with was a lobster, or a peece of fish, without bread or any thing els but a cupp of fair spring water. And ye long continuance of this diate, and their labours abroad, had something abated ye freshnes of their former complexion. But God gave them health and strength in a good measure; and shewed them by experience ye truth of yt word, Deut. 8. 3. Yt man liveth not by bread only, but by every word yt proceedeth out of ye mouth of ye Lord doth a man live.

When I think how sadly ye scripture speaks of the famine in Jaakobs time, when he said to his sonns, Goe buy us food, that we may live and not dye. Gen. 42. 2. and 43. 1, that the famine was great, or heavie in the land; and yet they had such great herds, and store of catle of sundrie kinds, which, besids flesh, must needs produse other food, as milke, butter & cheese, &c., and yet it was counted a sore affliction; theirs hear must needs be very great, therfore, who not only wanted the staffe of bread, but all these things, and had no Egipte to goe too. But God fedd them out of ye sea for ye most parte, so wonderfull is his providence over his in all ages; for his mercie endureth for ever.

On ye other hand the old planters were affraid that their corne, when it was ripe, should be imparted to ye new-com̅ers, whose provissions wch they brought with them they feared would fall short before ye year wente aboute (as indeed it did). They came to ye Govr and besought him that as it was before agreed that they should set corne for their perticuler, and accordingly they had taken extraordinary pains ther aboute, that they might freely injoye the same, and they would not have a bitte of ye victails now come, but waite till harvest for their owne, and let ye new-com̅ers injoye what they had brought; they would have none of it, excepte they could purchase any of it of them by bargaine or exchainge. Their requeste was granted them, for it gave both sides good contente; for ye new-com̅ers were as much afraid that ye hungrie planters would have eat up ye provissions brought, and they should have fallen into ye like condition.

This ship was in a shorte time laden with clapbord, by ye help of many hands. Also they sente in her all ye beaver and other furrs they had, & Mr. Winslow was sent over with her, to informe of all things, and procure such things as were thought needfull for their presente condition. By this time harvest was come, and in stead of famine, now God gave them plentie, and ye face of things was changed, to ye rejoysing of ye harts of many, for which they blessed God. And ye effect of their particuler planting was well seene, for all had, one way & other, pretty well to bring ye year aboute, and some of ye abler sorte and more industrious had to spare, and sell to others, so as any generall wante or famine hath not been amongst them since to this day.

Those that come on their perticuler looked for greater matters then they found or could attaine unto, aboute building great houses, and such pleasant situations for them, as them selves had fancied; as if they would be great men & rich, all of a sudaine; but they proved castls in ye aire. These were ye conditions agreed on betweene ye colony and them.

First, that ye Govr, in ye name and with ye consente of ye company, doth in all love and frendship receive and imbrace them; and is to allote them competente places for habitations within ye towne. And promiseth to shew them all such other curtesies as shall be reasonable for them to desire, or us to performe.

2. That they, on their parts, be subjecte to all such laws & orders as are already made, or hear after shall be, for ye publick good.

3. That they be freed and exempte from ye generall imployments of the said company, (which their presente condition of comunitie requireth,) excepte commune defence, & such other imployments as tend to ye perpetuall good of ye collony.

4ly. Towards ye maintenance of Goṽrt, & publick officers of ye said collony, every male above ye age of 16. years shall pay a bushell of Indean wheat, or ye worth of it, into ye commone store.

5ly. That (according to ye agreemente ye marchants made with ym before they came) they are to be wholy debared from all trade with the Indeans for all sorts of furrs, and such like commodities, till ye time of ye comunallitie be ended.

About ye midle of September arrived Captaine Robart Gorges in ye Bay of ye Massachusets, with sundrie passengers and families, intending ther to begine a plantation; and pitched upon ye place Mr. Weston's people had forsaken. He had a com̅ission from ye Counsell of New-England, to be generall Gover of ye cuntrie, and they appoynted for his counsell & assistance, Captaine Francis West, ye aforesaid admirall, Christopher Levite, Esquire, and ye Govr of Plimoth for ye time beeing, etc. Allso, they gave him authoritie to chuse such other as he should find fit. Allso, they gave (by their com̅ission) full power to him and his assistants, or any 3. of them, wherof him selfe was allway to be one, to doe and execute what to them should seeme good, in all cases, Capitall, Criminall, and Civill, etc., with diverce other instructions. Of which, and his comission, it pleased him to suffer ye Govr hear to take a coppy.

He gave them notice of his arivall by letter, but before they could visite him he went to ye eastward with ye ship he came in; but a storme arising, (and they wanting a good pilot to harbor them in those parts,) they bore up for this harbor. He and his men were hear kindly entertained; he stayed hear 14. days. In ye mean time came in Mr. Weston with his small ship, which he had now recovered. Captaine Gorges tooke hold of ye opportunitie, and acquainted ye Govr hear, that one occasion of his going to ye eastward was to meete with Mr. Weston, and call him to accounte for some abuses he had to lay to his charge. Wherupon he called him before him, and some other of his assistants, with ye Govr of this place; and charged him, first, with ye ille carriage of his men at ye Massachusets; by which means the peace of ye cuntrie was disturbed, and him selfe and the people which he had brought over to plante in that bay were therby much prejudised. To this Mr. Weston easily answered, that what was that way done, was in his absence, and might have befalen any man; he left them sufficently provided, and conceived they would have been well governed; and for any errour com̅itted he had sufficiently smarted. This particuler was passed by. A 2d. was, for an abuse done to his father, Sr. Ferdenando Gorges, and to ye State. The thing was this; he used him & others of ye Counsell of New-England, to procure him a licence for ye transporting of many peeces of great ordnance for New-England, pretending great fortification hear in ye countrie, & I know not what shipping. The which when he had obtained, he went and sould them beyond seas for his private profite; for which (he said) ye State was much offended, and his father suffered a shrowd check, and he had order to apprehend him for it. Mr. Weston excused it as well as he could, but could not deney it; it being one maine thing (as was said) for which he with-drew himself. But after many passages, by ye mediation of ye Govr and some other freinds hear, he was inclined to gentlnes (though he aprehended ye abuse of his father deeply); which, when Mr. Weston saw, he grew more presumptuous, and gave such provocking & cutting speches, as made him rise up in great indignation & distemper, and vowed yt he would either curb him, or send him home for England. At which Mr. Weston was something danted, and came privatly to ye Govr hear, to know whether they would suffer Captaine Gorges to apprehend him. He was tould they could not hinder him, but much blamed him, yt after they had pacified things, he should thus breake out, by his owne folly & rashnes, to bring trouble upon him selfe & them too. He confest it was his passion, and prayd ye Govr to entreat for him, and pacifie him if he could. The which at last he did, with much adoe; so he was called againe, and ye Govr was contente to take his owne bond to be ready to make further answer, when either he or ye lords should send for him. And at last he tooke only his word, and ther was a freīdly parting on all hands.

But after he was gone, Mr. Weston in lue of thanks to ye Govr and his freinds hear, gave them this quib (behind their baks) for all their pains. That though they were but yonge justices, yet they wear good beggers. Thus they parted at this time, and shortly after ye Govr tooke his leave and went to ye Massachusets by land, being very thankfull for his kind entertainemente. The ship stayed hear, and fitted her selfe to goe for Virginia, having some passengers ther to deliver; and with her returned sundrie of those from hence which came over on their perticuler, some out of discontente and dislike of ye cuntrie; others by reason of a fire that broke out, and burnt ye houses they lived in, and all their provisions so as they were necessitated therunto. This fire was occasioned by some of ye sea-men that were roystering in a house wher it first begane, makeing a great fire in very could weather, which broke out of ye chimney into ye thatch, and burnte downe 3. or 4. houses, and consumed all ye goods & provissions in ym. The house in which it begane was right against their store-house, which they had much adoe to save, in which were their com̅one store & all their provissions; ye which if it had been lost, ye plantation had been over-throwne. But through Gods mercie it was saved by ye great dilligence of ye people, & care of the Govr & some aboute him. Some would have had ye goods throwne out; but if they had, ther would much have been stolne by the rude company yt belonged to these 2. ships, which were allmost all ashore. But a trusty company was plased within, as well as those that with wet-cloaths & other means kept of ye fire without, that if necessitie required they might have them out with all speed. For yey suspected some malicious dealling, if not plaine treacherie, and whether it was only suspition or no, God knows; but this is certaine, that when ye tumulte was greatest, ther was a voyce heard (but from whom it was not knowne) that bid them looke well aboute them, for all were not freinds yt were near them. And shortly after, when the vemencie of ye fire was over, smoke was seen to arise within a shed yt was joynd to ye end of ye storehouse, which was watled up with bowes, in ye withered leaves wherof ye fire was kindled, which some, run̅ing to quench, found a longe firebrand of an ell longe, lying under ye wale on ye inside, which could not possibly come their by cassualtie, but must be laid ther by some hand, in ye judgmente of all that saw it. But God kept them from this deanger, what ever was intended.

Shortly after Captaine Gorges, ye generall Govr, was come home to ye Massachusets, he sends a warrante to arrest Mr. Weston & his ship, and sends a mr. to bring her away thither, and one Captain Hanson (that belonged to him) to conducte him along. The Govr & others hear were very sory to see him take this course, and tooke exception at ye warrante, as not legall nor sufficiente; and withall write to him to disswade him from this course, shewing him yt he would but entangle and burthen him selfe in doing this; for he could not doe Mr. Weston a better turne, (as things stood with him); for he had a great many men that belonged to him in this barke, and was deeply ingaged to them for wages, and was in a man̅er out of victails (and now winter); all which would light upon him, if he did arrest his barke. In ye mean time Mr. Weston had notice to shift for him selfe; but it was conceived he either knew not whither to goe, or how to mend him selfe, but was rather glad of ye occasion, and so stirred not. But ye Govr would not be perswaded, but sent a very formall warrente under his hand & seall, with strict charge as they would answere it to ye state; he also write that he had better considered of things since he was hear, and he could not answer it to let him goe so; besids other things that were come to his knowledg since, which he must answer too. So he was suffered to proceede, but he found in the end that to be true that was tould him; for when an inventorie was taken of what was in ye ship, ther was not vitailes found for above 14. days, at a pare allowance, and not much else of any great worth, & the men did so crie out of him for wages and diate, in ye mean time, as made him soone weary. So as in conclusion it turned to his loss, and ye expence of his owne provissions; and towards the spring they came to agreement, (after they had bene to ye eastward,) and ye Govr restord him his vessell againe, and made him satisfaction, in bisket, meal, and such like provissions, for what he had made use of that was his, or what his men had any way wasted or consumed. So Mr. Weston came hither againe, and afterward shaped his course for Virginie, & so for present I shall leave him.

The Govr and some yt depended upon him returned for England, haveing scarcly saluted ye cuntrie in his Govermente, not finding the state of things hear to answer his quallitie & condition. The peopl dispersed them selves, some went for England, others for Virginia, some few remained, and were helped with supplies from hence. The Govr brought over a minister with him, one Mr. Morell, who, about a year after ye Govr returned, tooke shipping from hence. He had I know not what power and authority of superintendancie over other churches granted him, and sundrie instructions for that end; but he never shewed it, or made any use of it; (it should seeme he saw it was in vaine;) he only speake of it to some hear at his going away. This was in effect ye end of a 2. plantation in that place. Ther were allso this year some scatering beginings made in other places, as at Paskataway, by Mr. David Thomson, at Monhigen, and some other places by sundrie others.

It rests now yt I speake a word aboute ye pin̅ass spoken of before, which was sent by ye adventurers to be imployed in ye cuntrie. She was a fine vessell, and bravely set out, and I fear ye adventurers did over pride them selves in her, for she had ill success. How ever, they erred grosly in tow things aboute her; first, though she had a sufficiente maister, yet she was rudly man̅ed, and all her men were upon shars, and none was to have any wages but ye mr. 2ly, wheras they mainly lookt at trade, they had sent nothing of any value to trade with. When the men came hear, and mette with ill counsell from Mr. Weston & his crue, with others of ye same stampe, neither mr. nor Govr could scarce rule them, for they exclaimed that they were abused & deceived, for they were tould they should goe for a man of warr, and take I know not whom, French & Spaniards, &c. They would neither trade nor fish, excepte they had wages; in fine, they would obey no com̅and of ye maisters; so it was apprehended they would either rune away with ye vessell, or get away wth ye ships, and leave her; so as Mr. Peirce & others of their freinds perswaded the Govr to chaing their condition, and give them wages; which was accordingly done. And she was sente about ye Cape to ye Narigansets to trade, but they made but a poore vioage of it. Some corne and beaver they got, but ye Dutch used to furnish them with cloath & better com̅odities, they haveing only a few beads & knives, which were not ther much esteemed. Allso, in her returne home, at ye very entrance into ther owne harbore, she had like to have been cast away in a storme, and was forced to cut her maine mast by ye bord, to save herselfe from driving on ye flats that lye without, caled Browns Ilands, the force of ye wind being so great as made her anchors give way and she drive right upon them; but her mast & takling being gone, they held her till ye wind shifted.

Anno Dom: 1624.

The time of new election of ther officers for this year being come, and ye number of their people increased, and their troubls and occasions therwith, the Govr desired them to chainge ye persons, as well as renew ye election; and also to adde more Assistans to ye Govr for help & counsell, and ye better carrying on of affairs. Showing that it was necessarie it should be so. If it was any honour or benefite, it was fitte others should be made pertakers of it; if it was a burthen, (as doubtles it was,) it was but equall others should help to bear it; and yt this was ye end of An̅uall Elections. The issue was, that as before ther was but one Assistante, they now chose 5. giving the Govr a duble voyce; and aftwards they increased them to 7. which course hath continued to this day.

They having with some truble & charge new-masted and rigged their pinass, in ye begining of March they sent her well vitaled to the eastward on fishing. She arrived safly at a place near Damarins cove, and was there well harbored in a place wher ships used to ride, ther being also some ships allready arived out of England. But shortly after ther arose such a violent & extraordinarie storme, as ye seas broak over such places in ye harbor as was never seene before, and drive her against great roks, which beat such a hole in her bulke, as a horse and carte might have gone in, and after drive her into deep-water, wher she lay sunke. The mr. was drowned, the rest of ye men, all save one, saved their lives, with much a doe; all her provision, salt, and what els was in her, was lost. And here I must leave her to lye till afterward.

Some of those that still remained hear on their perticuler, begane privatly to nurish a faction, and being privie to a strong faction that was among ye adventurers in England, on whom sundry of them did depend, by their private whispering they drew some of the weaker sorte of ye company to their side, and so filld them with discontente, as nothing would satisfie them excepte they might be suffered to be in their perticuler allso; and made great offers, so they might be freed from ye generall. The Govr consulting with ye ablest of ye generall body what was best to be done hear in, it was resolved to permitte them so to doe, upon equall conditions. The conditions were the same in effect with ye former before related. Only some more added, as that they should be bound here to remaine till ye generall partnership was ended. And also that they should pay into ye store, ye on halfe of all such goods and comodities as they should any waise raise above their food, in consideration of what charg had been layed out for them, with some such like things. This liberty granted, soone stopt this gape, for ther was but a few that undertooke this course when it came too; and they were as sone weary of it. For the other had perswaded them, & Mr. Weston togeather, that ther would never come more supply to ye generall body; but ye perticulers had such freinds as would carry all, and doe for them I know not what.

Shortly after, Mr. Winslow came over, and brought a prety good supply, and the ship came on fishing, a thing fatall to this plantation. He brought 3. heifers & a bull, the first begining of any catle of that kind in ye land, with some cloathing & other necessaries, as will further appear; but withall ye reporte of a strong faction amongst ye adventurers[BJ] against them, and espetially against ye coming of ye rest from Leyden, and with what difficulty this supply was procured, and how, by their strong & long opposision, bussines was so retarded as not only they were now falne too late for ye fishing season, but the best men were taken up of ye fishermen in the west countrie, and he was forct to take such a mr. & company for that imployment as he could procure upon ye present. Some letters from them shall beter declare these things, being as followeth.

Most worthy & loving freinds, your kind & loving leters I have received, and render you many thanks, &c. It hath plased God to stirre up ye harts of our adventurers to raise a new stock for the seting forth of this shipe, caled the Charitie, with men & necessaries, both for the plantation and the fishing, though accomplished with very great difficulty; in regard we have some amongst us which undoubtedly aime more at their owne private ends, and the thwarting & opposing of some hear, and other worthy instruments, of Gods glory elswher, then at the generall good and furtherance of this noble & laudable action. Yet againe we have many other, and I hope the greatest parte, very honest Christian men, which I am perswaded their ends and intents are wholy for the glory of our Lord Jesus Christ, in the propagation of his gospell, and hope of gaining those poore salvages to the knowledg of God. But, as we have a proverbe, One scabed sheep may marr a whole flock, so these malecontented persons, & turbulente spirits, doe what in them lyeth to withdraw mens harts from you and your freinds, yea, even from the generall bussines; and yet under show and pretence of godlynes and furtherance of the plantation. Wheras the quite contrary doth plainly appeare; as some of the honester harted men (though of late of their faction) did make manifest at our late meeting. But what should I trouble you or my selfe with these restles opposers of all goodnes, and I doubte will be continuall disturbers of our frendly meetings & love. On Thurs-day the 8. of Jan: we had a meeting aboute the artickls betweene you & us; wher they would rejecte that, which we in our late leters prest you to grante, (an addition to the time of our joynt stock). And their reason which they would make known to us was, it trobled their conscience to exacte longer time of you then was agreed upon at the first. But that night they were so followed and crost of their perverse courses, as they were even wearied, and offered to sell their adventurs; and some were willing to buy. But I, doubting they would raise more scandale and false reports, and so diverse waise doe us more hurt, by going of in such a furie, then they could or can by continuing adventurers amongst us, would not suffer them. But on ye 12. of Jan: we had another meting, but in the interime diverse of us had talked with most of them privatly, and had great combats & reasoning, pro & con. But at night when we mete to read ye generall letter, we had ye loveingest and frendlyest meeting that ever I knew and our greatest enemise offered to lend us 50li. So I sent for a potle of wine, (I would you could doe ye like,) which we dranke freindly together. Thus God can turne ye harts of men when it pleaseth him, &c. Thus loving freinds, I hartily salute you all in ye Lord, hoping ever to rest,

Yours to my power,

James Sherley.

Jan: 25. 1623.

Another leter.

Beloved Sr., &c. We have now sent you, we hope, men & means, to setle these 3. things, viz. fishing, salt making, and boat making; if you can bring them to pass to some perfection, your wants may be supplyed. I pray you bend you selfe what you can to setle these bussinesses. Let ye ship be fraught away as soone as you can, and sent to Bilbow. You must send some discreete man for factore, whom, once more, you must also authorise to confirme ye conditions. If Mr. Winslow could be spared, I could wish he came againe. This ship carpenter is thought to be the fittest man for you in the land, and will no doubte doe you much good. Let him have an absolute comand over his servants & such as you put to him. Let him build you 2. catches, a lighter, and some 6. or 7. shalops, as soone as you can. The salt-man is a skillfull & industrious man, put some to him, that may quickly apprehende ye misterie of it. The preacher we have sent is (we hope) an honest plaine man, though none of ye most eminente and rare. Aboute chusing him into office use your owne liberty & discretion; he knows he is no officer amongst you, though perhaps custome & universalitie may make him forget him selfe. Mr. Winslow & my selfe gave way to his going, to give contente to some hear, and we see no hurt in it, but only his great charge of children.

We have tooke a patente for Cap Anne, &c. I am sory ther is no more discretion used by some in their leters hither. Some say you are starved in body & soule; others, yt you eate piggs & doggs, that dye alone; others, that ye things hear spoaken of, ye goodnes of ye cuntry, are gross and palpable lyes; that ther is scarce a foule to be seene, or a fish to be taken, and many such like. I would such discontented men were hear againe, for it is a miserie when ye whole state of a plantation shall be thus exposed to ye passionate humors of some discontented men. And for my selfe I shall hinder for hearafter some yt would goe, and have not better composed their affections; mean space it is all our crosses, and we must bear them.

I am sorie we have not sent you more and other things, but in truth we have rune into so much charge, to victaile ye ship, provide salte & other fishing implements, &c. as we could not provid other comfortable things, as buter, suger, &c. I hope the returne of this ship, and the James, will put us in cash againe. The Lord make you full of courage in this troublesome bussines, which now must be stuck unto, till God give us rest from our labours. Fare well in all harty affection.

Your assured friend,

R. C.

Jan: 24. 1623.

With ye former letter write by Mr. Sherley, there were sente sundrie objections concerning which he thus writeth. "These are the cheefe objections which they that are now returned make against you and the countrie. I pray you consider them, and answer them by the first conveniencie." These objections were made by some of those that came over on their perticuler and were returned home, as is before mentioned, and were of ye same suite with those yt this other letter mentions.

I shall here set them downe, with ye answers then made unto them, and sent over at ye returne of this ship; which did so confound ye objecters, as some confessed their falte, and others deneyed what they had said, and eate their words, & some others of them have since come over againe and heere lived to convince them selves sufficiently, both in their owne & other mens judgments.

1. obj. was diversitie aboute Religion. Ans: We know no such matter, for here was never any controversie or opposition, either publicke or private, (to our knowledg,) since we came.

2. ob: Neglecte of familie duties, one ye Lords day.

Ans. We allow no such thing, but blame it in our selves & others; and they that thus reporte it, should have shewed their Christian love the more if they had in love tould ye offenders of it, rather then thus to reproach them behind their baks. But (to say no more) we wish them selves had given better example.

3. ob: Wante of both the sacrements.

Ans. The more is our greefe, that our pastor is kept from us, by whom we might injoye them; for we used to have the Lords Supper every Saboth, and baptisme as often as ther was occasion of children to baptise.

4. ob: Children not catechised nor taught to read.

Ans: Neither is true; for diverse take pains with their owne as they can; indeede, we have no com̅one schoole for want of a fitt person, or hithertoo means to maintaine one; though we desire now to begine.

5. ob: Many of ye perticuler members of ye plantation will not work for ye generall.

Ans: This allso is not wholy true; for though some doe it not willingly, & other not honestly, yet all doe it; and he that doth worst gets his owne foode & something besids. But we will not excuse them, but labour to reforme them ye best we cane, or else to quitte ye plantation of them.

6. ob: The water is not wholsome.

Ans: If they mean, not so wholsome as ye good beere and wine in London, (which they so dearly love,) we will not dispute with them; but els, for water, it is as good as any in the world, (for ought we knowe,) and it is wholsome enough to us that can be contente therwith.

7. ob: The ground is barren and doth bear no grasse.

Ans: It is hear (as in all places) some better & some worse; and if they well consider their words, in England they shall not find such grasse in them, as in their feelds & meadows. The catle find grasse, for they are as fatt as need be; we wish we had but one for every hundred that hear is grase to keep. Indeed, this objection, as some other, are ridiculous to all here which see and know ye contrary.

8. ob: The fish will not take salt to keepe sweete.

Ans: This is as true as that which was written, that ther is scarce a foule to be seene or a fish to be taken. Things likly to be true in a cuntrie wher so many sayle of ships come yearly a fishing; they might as well say, there can no aile or beere in London be kept from sowering.

9. ob: Many of them are theevish and steale on from an other.

Ans: Would London had been free from that crime, then we should not have been trobled with these here; it is well knowne sundrie have smarted well for it, and so are ye rest like to doe, if they be taken.

10. ob: The countrie is anoyed with foxes and woules.

Ans: So are many other good cuntries too; but poyson, traps, and other such means will help to destroy them.

11. ob: The Dutch are planted nere Hudsons Bay, and are likely to overthrow the trade.

Ans: They will come and plante in these parts, also, if we and others doe not, but goe home and leave it to them. We rather commend them, then condemne them for it.

12. ob: The people are much anoyed with muskeetoes.

Ans: They are too delicate and unfitte to begine new-plantations and collonies, that cannot enduer the biting of a muskeeto; we would wish such to keepe at home till at least they be muskeeto proofe. Yet this place is as free as any, and experience teacheth that ye more ye land is tild, and ye woods cut downe, the fewer ther will be, and in the end scarse any at all.

Having thus dispatcht these things, that I may handle things togeather, I shall here inserte 2. other letters from Mr. Robinson their pastor; the one to ye Govr, ye other to Mr. Brewster their Elder, which will give much light to ye former things, and express the tender love & care of a true pastor over them.

His leter to ye Govr.

My loving & much beloved friend, whom God hath hithertoo preserved, preserve and keepe you still to his glorie, and ye good of many; that his blessing may make your godly and wise endeavours answerable to ye valuation which they ther have, & set upon ye same. Of your love too and care for us here, we never doubted; so are we glad to take knowledg of it in that fullnes we doe. Our love & care to and for you, is mutuall, though our hopes of coming unto you be small, and weaker then ever. But of this at large in Mr. Brewsters letter, with whom you, and he with you, mutualy, I know, comunicate your letters, as I desire you may doe these, &c.

Concerning ye killing of those poor Indeans, of which we heard at first by reporte, and since by more certaine relation, oh! how happy a thing had it been, if you had converted some, before you had killed any; besids, wher bloud is one begune to be shed, it is seldome stanched of a long time after. You will say they deserved it. I grant it; but upon what provocations and invitments by those heathenish Christians? Besids, you, being no magistrats over them, were to consider, not what they deserved, but what you were by necessitie constrained to inflicte. Necessitie of this, espetially of killing so many, (and many more, it seems, they would, if they could,) I see not. Methinks on or tow principals should have been full enough, according to that approved rule, The punishmente to a few, and ye fear to many. Upon this occasion let me be bould to exhorte you seriouly to consider of ye dispossition of your Captaine, whom I love, and am perswaded ye Lord in great mercie and for much good hath sent you him, if you use him aright. He is a man humble and meek amongst you, and towards all in ordinarie course. But now if this be meerly from an humane spirite, ther is cause to fear that by occasion, espetially of provocation, ther may be wanting yt tendernes of ye life of man (made after Gods image) which is meete. It is also a thing more glorious in mens eyes, then pleasing in Gods, or conveniente for Christians, to be a terrour to poore barbarous people; and indeed I am afraid least, by these occasions, others should be drawne to affecte a kind of rufling course in the world. I doubt not but you will take in good part these things which I write, and as ther is cause make use of them. It were to us more comfortable and convenient, that we comunicated our mutuall helps in presence, but seeing that canot be done, we shall always long after you, and love you, and waite Gods apoynted time. The adventurers it seems have neither money nor any great mind of us, for ye most parte. They deney it to be any part of ye covenants betwixte us, that they should trāsporte us, neither doe I looke for any further help from them, till means come from you. We hear are strangers in effecte to ye whole course, and so both we and you (save as your owne wisdoms and worths have intressed you further) of principals intended in this bussines, are scarce accessaries, &c. My wife, with me, resalute you & yours. Unto him who is ye same to his in all places, and nere to them which are farr from one an other, I comend you and all with you, resting,

Yours truly loving,

John Robinson.

Leyden, Des: 19. 1623.

His to Mr. Brewster.

Loving and dear friend and brother: That which I most desired of God in regard of you, namly, ye continuance of your life and health, and the safe coming of these sent unto you, that I most gladly hear of, and praise God for the same. And I hope Mrs. Brewsters weake and decayed state of body will have some reparing by the coming of her daughters, and the provissions in this and former ships, I hear is made for you; which maks us with more patience bear our languishing state, and ye deferring of our desired trāsportation; wch I call desired, rather than hoped for, whatsoever you are borne in hand by any others. For first, ther is no hope at all, that I know, or can conceive of, of any new stock to be raised for that end; so that all must depend upon returns from you, in which are so many uncertainties, as that nothing with any certaintie can thence be concluded. Besids, howsoever for ye presente the adventurers aledg nothing but want of money, which is an invincible difculty, yet if that be taken away by you, others without doubte will be found. For the beter clearing of this, we must dispose ye adventurers into 3. parts; and of them some 5. or 6. (as I conceive) are absolutly bent for us, above any others. Other 5. or 6. are our bitter professed adversaries. The rest, being the body, I conceive to be honestly minded, & loveingly also towards us; yet such as have others (namly ye forward preachers) nerer unto them, then us, and whose course so farr as ther is any differance, they would rather advance then ours. Now what a hanck these men have over ye professors, you know. And I perswade my selfe, that for me, they of all others are unwilling I should be transported, espetially such of them as have an eye that way them selves; as thinking if I come ther, ther market will be mard in many regards. And for these adversaries, if they have but halfe ye witte to their malice, they will stope my course when they see it intended, for which this delaying serveth them very opportunly. And as one restie jade can hinder, by hanging back, more then two or 3. can (or will at least, if they be not very free) draw forward, so will it be in this case. A notable experimente of this, they gave in your messengers presence, constraining ye company to promise that none of the money now gathered should be expended or imployed to ye help of any of us towards you. Now touching ye question propounded by you, I judg it not lawfull for you, being a ruling Elder, as Rom. 12. 7. 8. & 1. Tim. 5. 17. opposed to the Elders that teach & exhorte and labore in ye word and doctrine, to which ye sacrements are an̅exed, to administer them, nor convenient if it were lawfull. Whether any larned man will come unto you or not, I know not; if any doe, you must Consiliū capere in arena. Be you most hartily saluted, & your wife with you, both from me & mine. Your God & ours, and ye God of all his, bring us together if it be his will, and keep us in the mean while, and allways to his glory, and make us servisable to his majestic, and faithfull to the end. Amen.

Your very loving brother,

John Robinson.

Leyden, Des: 20. 1623.

These things premised, I shall now prosecute ye procedings and afairs here. And before I come to other things I must speak a word of their planting this year; they having found ye benifite of their last years harvest, and setting corne for their particuler, having therby with a great deale of patience overcome hunger & famine. Which maks me remember a saing of Senecas, Epis: 123. That a great parte of libertie is a well governed belly, and to be patiente in all wants. They begane now highly to prise corne as more pretious then silver, and those that had some to spare begane to trade one with another for smale things, by ye quarte, potle, & peck, &c.; for money they had none, and if any had, corne was prefered before it. That they might therfore encrease their tillage to better advantage, they made suite to the Govr to have some portion of land given them for continuance, and not by yearly lotte, for by that means, that which ye more industrious had brought into good culture (by much pains) one year, came to leave it ye nexte, and often another might injoye it; so as the dressing of their lands were the more sleighted over, & to lese profite. Which being well considered, their request was granted. And to every person was given only one acrre of land, to them & theirs, as nere ye towne as might be, and they had no more till ye 7. years were expired. The reason was, that they might be kept close together both for more saftie and defence, and ye better improvement of ye generall imployments. Which condition of theirs did make me often thinke, of what I had read in Plinie of ye Romans first beginings in Romulus time. How every man contented him selfe with 2. Acres of land, and had no more assigned them. And chap. 3. It was thought a great reward, to receive at ye hands of ye people of Rome a pinte of corne. And long after, the greatest presente given to a Captaine yt had gotte a victory over their enemise, was as much ground as they could till in one day. And he was not counted a good, but a dangerous man, that would not contente him selfe with 7. Acres of land. As also how they did pound their corne in morters, as these people were forcte to doe many years before they could get a mille.

The ship which brought this supply, was speedily discharged, and with her mr & company sente to Cap-Anne (of which place they had gott a patente, as before is shewed) on fishing, and because the season was so farr spente some of ye planters were sent to help to build their stage, to their owne hinderance. But partly by ye latenes of ye year, and more espetialy by ye basnes of ye mr, one Baker, they made a poore viage of it. He proved a very drunken beast, and did nothing (in a maner) but drink, & gusle, and consume away ye time & his victails; and most of his company followed his example; and though Mr. William Peirce was to over see the busines, & to be mr. of ye ship home, yet he could doe no good amongst them, so as ye loss was great, and would have bene more to them, but that they kept one a trading ther, which in those times got some store of skins, which was some help unto them.

The ship-carpenter that was sent them, was an honest and very industrious man, and followed his labour very dilligently, and made all that were imployed with him doe ye like; he quickly builte them 2. very good & strong shalops (which after did them greate service), and a great and strong lighter, and had hewne timber for 2. catches; but that was lost, for he fell into a feaver in ye hote season of the year, and though he had the best means ye place could aforde, yet he dyed; of whom they had a very great loss, and were very sorie for his death. But he whom they sent to make salte was an ignorante, foolish, self-willd fellow; he bore them in hand he could doe great matters in making salt-works, so he was sente to seeke out fitte ground for his purpose; and after some serch he tould ye Govr that he had found a sufficente place, with a good botome to hold water, and otherwise very conveniente, which he doubted not but in a short time to bring to good perfection, and to yeeld them great profite; but he must have 8. or ten men to be constantly imployed. He was wisht to be sure that ye ground was good, and other things answerable, and yt he could bring it to perfection; otherwise he would bring upon them a great charge by imploying him selfe and so many men. But he was, after some triall, so confidente, as he caused them to send carpenters to rear a great frame for a large house, to receive ye salte & such other uses. But in ye end all proved vaine. Then he layed fault of ye ground, in which he was deceived; but if he might have the lighter to cary clay, he was sure then he could doe it. Now though ye Govr & some other foresaw that this would come to litle, yet they had so many malignant spirits amongst them, that would have laid it upon them, in their letters of complainte to the adventurers, as to be their falte yt would not suffer him to goe on to bring his work to perfection; for as he by his bould confidence & large promises deceived them in England that sente him, so he had wound him selfe in to these mens high esteeme hear, so as they were faine to let him goe on till all men saw his vanity. For he could not doe any thing but boyle salt in pans, & yet would make them yt were joynd with him beleeve ther was so grat a misterie in it as was not easie to be attained, and made them doe many unnecessary things to blind their eys, till they discerned his sutltie. The next yere he was sente to Cap-Anne, and ye pans were set up ther wher the fishing was; but before som̅er was out, he bur̅te the house, and the fire was so vehemente as it spoyld the pans, at least some of them, and this was the end of that chargable bussines.

The 3d. eminente person (which ye letters before mention) was ye minister which they sent over, by name Mr. John Lyford, of whom & whose doing I must be more large, though I shall abridg things as much as I can. When this man first came a shore, he saluted them with that reverence & humilitie as is seldome to be seen, and indeed made them ashamed, he so bowed and cringed unto them, and would have kissed their hands if they would have suffered him; yea, he wept & shed many tears, blessing God that had brought him to see their faces; and admiring ye things they had done in their wants, &c. as if he had been made all of love, and ye humblest person in the world. And all the while (if we may judg by his after cariags) he was but like him mentioned in Psa: 10. 10. That croucheth & boweth, that heaps of poore may fall by his might. Or like to that dissembling Ishmaell, who, when he had slaine Gedelia, went out weeping and mette them yt were coming to offer incence in ye house of ye Lord; saing, Come to Gedelia, when he ment to slay them. They gave him ye best entertainment yey could, (in all simplisitie,) and a larger alowans of food out of ye store then any other had, and as the Govr had used in all waightie affairs to consulte with their Elder, Mr. Brewster, (togeither with his assistants,) so now he caled Mr. Liford also to counsell with them in their waightiest bussineses. Ater some short time he desired to joyne himselfe a member to ye church hear, and was accordingly received. He made a large confession of his faith, and an acknowledgemente of his former disorderly walking, and his being intangled with many corruptions, which had been a burthen to his conscience, and blessed God for this opportunitie of freedom & libertie to injoye ye ordinances of God in puritie among his people, with many more such like expressions. I must hear speake a word also of Mr. John Oldom, who was a copartner with him in his after courses. He had bene a cheefe sticler in ye former faction among ye perticulers, and an intelligencer to those in England. But now, since the coming of this ship and he saw the supply that came, he tooke occasion to open his minde to some of ye cheefe amongst them heere, and confessed he had done them wrong both by word & deed, & writing into England; but he now saw the eminente hand of God to be with them, and his blesing upon them, which made his hart smite him, neither should those in England ever use him as an instrumente any longer against them in any thing; he also desired former things might be forgotten, and that they would looke upon him as one that desired to close with them in all things, with such like expressions. Now whether this was in hipocrisie, or out of some sudden pange of conviction (which I rather thinke), God only knows. Upon it they shew all readynes to imbrace his love, and carry towards him in all frendlynes, and called him to counsell with them in all cheefe affairs, as ye other, without any distrust at all.

Thus all things seemed to goe very comfortably and smothly on amongst them, at which they did much rejoyce; but this lasted not long, for both Oldom and he grew very perverse, and shewed a spirite of great malignancie, drawing as many into faction as they could; were they never so vile or profane, they did nourish & back them in all their doings; so they would but cleave to them and speak against ye church hear; so as ther was nothing but private meetings and whisperings amongst them; they feeding themselves & others with what they should bring to pass in England by the faction of their freinds their, which brought others as well as them selves into a fools paradise. Yet they could not cary so closly but much of both their doings & sayings were discovered, yet outwardly they still set a faire face of things.

At lenght when ye ship was ready to goe, it was observed Liford was long in writing, & sente many letters, and could not forbear to comunicate to his intimats such things as made them laugh in their sleeves, and thought he had done ther errand sufficiently. The Govr and some other of his freinds knowing how things stood in England, and what hurt these things might doe, tooke a shalop and wente out with the ship a league or 2. to sea, and caled for all Lifords & Oldums letters. Mr. William Peirce being mr. of ye ship, (and knew well their evill dealing both in England & here,) afforded him all ye assistance he could. He found above 20. of Lyfords letters, many of them larg, and full of slanders, & false accusations, tending not only to their prejudice, but to their ruine & utter subversion. Most of the letters they let pas, only tooke copys of them, but some of ye most materiall they sent true copyes of them, and kept ye originalls, least he should deney them, and that they might produce his owne hand against him. Amongst his letters they found ye coppyes of tow letters which he sent inclosed in a leter of his to Mr. John Pemberton, a minster, and a great opposite of theirs. These 2. letters of which he tooke the coppyes were one of them write by a gentle-man in England to Mr. Brewster here, the other by Mr. Winslow to Mr. Robinson, in Holand, at his coming away, as ye ship lay at Gravsend. They lying sealed in ye great cabin, (whilst Mr. Winslow was bussie aboute the affairs of ye ship,) this slye marchante taks & opens them, taks these coppys, & seals them up againe; and not only sends the coppyes of them thus to his friend and their adversarie, but adds thertoo in ye margente many scurrilous and flouting an̅otations. This ship went out towards ev̅ing, and in the night ye Govr retur̅ed. They were somwaht blanke at it, but after some weeks, when they heard nothing, they then were as briske as ever, thinking nothing had been knowne, but all was gone currente, and that the Govr went but to dispatch his owne letters. The reason why the Govr & rest concealed these things the longer, was to let things ripen, that they might ye better discover their intents and see who were their adherents. And ye rather because amongst ye rest they found a letter of one of their confederats, in wch was writen that Mr. Oldame & Mr. Lyford intended a reformation in church and commone wealth; and, as soone as the ship was gone, they intended to joyne togeather, and have the sacrements, &c.

For Oldame, few of his leters were found, (for he was so bad a scribe as his hand was scarce legible,) yet he was as deepe in ye mischeefe as the other. And thinking they were now strong enough, they begane to pick quarells at every thing. Oldame being called to watch (according to order) refused to come, fell out with ye Capten, caled him raskell, and beggerly raskell, and resisted him, drew his knife at him; though he offered him no wrong, nor gave him no ille termes, but with all fairnes required him to doe his duty. The Govr, hearing ye tumulte, sent to quiet it, but he ramped more like a furious beast then a man, and cald them all treatours, and rebells, and other such foule language as I am ashamed to remember; but after he was clapt up a while, he came to him selfe, and with some slight punishmente was let goe upon his behaviour for further censure.

But to cutt things shorte, at length it grew to this esseue, that Lyford with his complicies, without ever speaking one word either to ye Govr, Church, or Elder, withdrewe them selves & set up a publick meeting aparte, on ye Lord's day; with sundry such insolente cariages, too long here to relate, begining now publikly to acte what privatly they had been long plotting.

It was now thought high time (to prevent further mischeefe) to calle them to accounte; so ye Govr called a courte and sum̅oned the whol company to appeare. And then charged Lyford & Oldom with such things as they were guilty of. But they were stiffe, & stood resolutly upon ye deneyall of most things, and required proofe. They first alledged what was write to them out of England, compared with their doings & pactises hear; that it was evident they joyned in plotting against them, and disturbing their peace, both in respecte of their civill & church state, which was most injurious; for both they and all ye world knew they came hither to injoye ye libertie of their conscience and ye free use of Gods ordinances; and for yt end had ventured their lives and passed throwgh so much hardshipe hithertoo, and they and their freinds had borne the charg of these beginings, which was not small. And that Lyford for his parte was sent over on this charge, and that both he and his great family was maintained on ye same, and also was joyned to ye church, & a member of them; and for him to plote against them & seek their ruine, was most unjust & perfidious. And for Oldam or any other that came over at their owne charge, and were on ther perticuler, seeing they were received in curtesie by the plantation, when they came only to seeke shelter & protection under their wings, not being able to stand alone, that they, (according to ye fable,) like the Hedghogg whom ye conny in a stormy day in pittie received into her borrow, would not be content to take part with her, but in the end with her sharp pricks forst the poore conny to forsake her owne borrow; so these men with the like injustice indevored to doe ye same to thos that entertained them.

Lyford denyed that he had any thing to doe with them in England, or knew of their courses, and made other things as strange that he was charged with. Then his letters were prodused & some of them read, at which he was struck mute. But Oldam begane to rage furiously, because they had intercepted and opened his letters, threatening them in very high language, and in a most audacious and mutinous maner stood up & caled upon ye people, saying, My maisters, wher is your harts? now shew your courage, you have oft complained to me so & so; now is ye time, if you will doe any thing, I will stand by you, &c. Thinking yt every one (knowing his humor) that had soothed and flattered him, or other wise in their discontente uttered any thing unto him, would now side wth him in open rebellion. But he was deceived, for not a man opened his mouth, but all were silent, being strucken with the injustice of ye thing. Then ye Govr turned his speech to Mr. Lyford, and asked him if he thought they had done evill to open his letters; but he was silente, & would not say a word, well knowing what they might reply. Then ye Govr shewed the people he did it as a magistrate, and was bound to it by his place, to prevent ye mischeefe & ruine that this conspiracie and plots of theirs would bring on this poor colony. But he, besids his evill dealing hear, had delte trecherusly with his freinds yt trusted him, & stole their letters & opened them, and sent coppies of them, with disgracefull an̅otations, to his freinds in England. And then ye Govr produced them and his other letters under his owne hand, (which he could not deney,) and caused them to be read before all ye people; at which all his freinds were blanke, and had not a word to say.

It would be too long & tedious here to inserte his letters (which would almost fill a volume), though I have them by me. I shall only note a few of ye cheefe things collected out of them, with ye answers to them as they were then given; and but a few of those many, only for instance, by which the rest may be judged of.

1. First, he saith, the church would have none to live hear but them selves. 2ly. Neither are any willing so to doe if they had company to live elswher.

Ans: Their answer was, that this was false, in both ye parts of it; for they were willing & desirous yt any honest men may live with them, that will cary them selves peacably, and seek ye com̅one good, or at least doe them no hurte. And againe, ther are many that will not live els wher so long as they may live with them.

2. That if ther come over any honest men that are not of ye seperation, they will quickly distast them, &c.

A. Ther answer was as before, that it was a false callumniation, for they had many amongst them that they liked well of, and were glad of their company; and should be of any such like that should come amongst them.

3. That they excepted against him for these 2. doctrins raised from 2. Sam: 12. 7. First, that ministers must sume times perticulerly apply their doctrine to spetiall persons; 2ly, that great men may be reproved as well as meaner.

A. Their answer was, that both these were without either truth or colour of ye same (as was proved to his face), and that they had taught and beleeved these things long before they knew Mr. Liford.

4. That they utterly sought ye ruine of ye perticulers; as appeareth by this, that they would not suffer any of ye generall either to buy or sell with them, or to exchaing one com̅oditie for another.

Ans: This was a most malicious slander and voyd of all truth, as was evidently proved to him before all men; for any of them did both buy, sell, or exchaing with them as often as they had any occation. Yea, and allso both lend & give to them when they wanted; and this the perticuler persons them selves could not deney, but freely confest in open court. But ye ground from whence this arose made it much worse, for he was in counsell with them. When one was called before them, and questioned for receiving powder and bisket from ye gun̅er of the small ship, which was ye companys, and had it put in at his window in the night, and allso for buying salt of one, that had no right to it, he not only stood to back him (being one of these perticulers) by excusing & extenuating his falte, as long as he could, but upon this builds this mischec̅ous & most false slander: That because they would not suffer them to buy stolne goods, ergo, they sought their utter ruine. Bad logick for a devine.

5. Next he writs, that he chocked them with this; that they turned men into their perticuler, and then sought to starve them, and deprive them of all means of subsistance.

A. To this was answered, he did them manifest wrong, for they turned none into their perticuler; it was their owne importunitie and ernest desire that moved them, yea, constrained them to doe it. And they apealed to ye persons them selves for ye truth hereof. And they testified the same against him before all present, as allso that they had no cause to complaine of any either hard or unkind usage.

6. He accuseth them with unjust distribution, and writeth, that it was a strang difference, that some have bene alowed 16li. of meale by ye weeke, and others but 4li. And then (floutingly) saith, it seems some mens mouths and bellies are very litle & slender over others.

Ans: This might seeme strange indeed to those to whom he write his leters in England, which knew not ye reason of it; but to him and others hear, it could not be strange, who knew how things stood. For the first com̅ers had none at all, but lived on their corne. Those wch came in ye Anne, ye August before, & were to live 13. months of the provissions they brought, had as good alowance in meal & pease as it would extend too, ye most part of ye year; but a litle before harvest, when they had not only fish, but other fruits began to come in, they had but 4li. having their libertie to make their owne provisions. But some of these which came last, as ye ship carpenter, and samiers, the salte-men & others that were to follow constante imployments, and had not an howers time, from their hard labours, to looke for any thing above their alowance; they had at first, 16li. alowed them, and afterwards as fish, & other food coued be gott, they had as balemente, to 14. &. 12. yea some of them to 8. as the times & occasions did vary. And yet those which followed planting and their owne occasions, and had but 4li. of meall a week, lived better then ye other, as was well knowne to all. And yet it must be remembered that Lyford & his had allwais the highest alowance.

Many other things (in his letters) he accused them of, with many aggravations; as that he saw exseeding great wast of tools & vesseles; & this, when it came to be examened, all ye instance he could give was, that he had seen an old hogshed or too fallen to peeces, and a broken how or tow lefte carlesly in ye feilds by some. Though he also knew that a godly, honest man was appointed to looke to these things. But these things & such like was write of by him, to cast disgrace & prejudice upon them; as thinking what came from a minister would pass for currente. Then he tells them that Winslow should say, that ther was not above 7. of ye adventurers yt souight ye good of ye collony. That Mr. Oldam & him selfe had had much to doe with them, and that ye faction here might match ye Jesuits for politie. With many ye like greevious complaints & accusations.

1. Then, in the next place, he comes to give his freinds counsell and directtion. And first, that ye Leyden company (Mr. Robinson & ye rest) must still be kepte back, or els all will be spoyled. And least any of them should be taken in privatly somewher on ye coast of England, (as it was feared might be done,) they must chaing the mr. of ye ship (Mr. William Peirce), and put another allso in Winslows stead, for marchante, or els it would not be prevented.

2. Then he would have such a number provided as might oversway them hear. And that ye perticulers should have voyces in all courts & elections, and be free to bear any office. And that every perticuler should come over as an adventurer, if he be but a servante; some other venturing 10li., ye bill may be taken out in ye servants name, and then assigned to ye party whose money it was, and good covenants drawn betweene them for ye clearing of ye matter; and this (saith he) would be a means to strengthen this side ye more.

3. Then he tells them that if that Capten they spoake of should come over hither as a generall, he was perswaded he would be chosen Capten; for this Captaine Standish looks like a silly boy, and is in utter contempte.

4. Then he shows that if by ye forementioned means they cannot be strengthened to cary & overbear things, it will be best for them to plant els wher by them selves; and would have it artickled by them that they might make choyse of any place that they liked best within 3. or 4. myls distance, shewing ther were farr better places for plantation then this.

5. And lastly he concluds, that if some number came not over to bear them up here, then ther would be no abiding for them, but by joyning with these hear. Then he adds: Since I begane to write, ther are letters come from your company, wherin they would give sole authoritie in diverce things unto the Govr here; which, if it take place, then, Ve nobis. But I hope you will be more vigilante hereafter, that nothing may pass in such a man̅er. I suppose (saith he) Mr. Oldame will write to you further of these things. I pray you conceall me in the discovery of these things, &c.

Thus I have breefly touched some cheefe things in his leters, and shall now returne to their procceeding with him. After the reading of his leters before the whole company, he was demanded what he could say to these things. But all ye answer he made was, that Billington and some others had informed him of many things, and made sundrie complaints, which they now deneyed. He was againe asked if that was a sufficiente ground for him thus to accuse & traduse them by his letters, and never say word to them, considering the many bonds betweene them. And so they went on from poynte to poynte; and wisht him, or any of his freinds & confederats, not to spare them in any thing; if he or they had any proofe or witnes of any corrupte or evill dealing of theirs, his or their evidence must needs be ther presente, for ther was the whole company and sundery strangers. He said he had been abused by others in their informations, (as he now well saw,) and so had abused them. And this was all the answer they could have, for none would take his parte in any thing; but Billington, & any whom he named, deneyed the things, and protested he wronged them, and would have drawne them to such & such things which they could not consente too, though they were sometimes drawne to his meetings. Then they delte with him aboute his dissembling with them aboute ye church, and that he professed to concur with them in all things, and what a large confession he made at his admittance, and that he held not him selfe a minister till he had a new calling, &c. And yet now he contested against them, and drew a company aparte, & sequestred him selfe; and would goe minister the sacrements (by his Episcopall caling) without ever speaking a word unto them, either as magistrats or bretheren. In conclusion, he was fully convicted, and burst out into tears, and "confest he feared he was a reprobate, his sinns were so great that he doubted God would not pardon them, he was unsavorie salte, &c.; and that he had so wronged them as he could never make them amends, confessing all he had write against them was false & nought, both for matter & man̅er." And all this he did with as much fullnes as words & tears could express.

After their triall & conviction, the court censured them to be expeld the place; Oldame presently, though his wife & family had liberty to stay all winter, or longer, till he could make provission to remove them comfortably. Lyford had liberty to stay 6. months. It was, indeede, with some eye to his release, if he caried him selfe well in the meane time, and that his repentance proved sound. Lyford acknowledged his censure was farr less then he deserved.

Afterwards, he confest his sin publikly in ye church, with tears more largly then before. I shall here put it downe as I find it recorded by some who tooke it from his owne words, as him selfe utered them. Acknowledging "That he had don very evill, and slanderously abused them; and thinking most of ye people would take parte with him, he thought to cary all by violence and strong hand against them. And that God might justly lay in̅ocente blood to his charge, for he knew not what hurt might have come of these his writings, and blest God they were stayed. And that he spared not to take knowledg from any, of any evill that was spoaken, but shut his eyes & ears against all the good; and if God should make him a vacabund in ye earth, as was Caine, it was but just, for he had sined in envie & malice against his brethren as he did. And he confessed 3. things to be ye ground & causes of these his doings: pride, vaine-glorie, & selfe love." Amplifying these heads with many other sade expressions, in the perticulers of them.

So as they begane againe to conceive good thoughts of him upon this his repentance, and admited him to teach amongst them as before; and Samuell Fuller (a deacon amongst them), and some other tender harted men amongst them, were so taken with his signes of sorrow & repentance, as they professed they would fall upon their knees to have his censure released.

But that which made them all stand amased in the end, and may doe all others that shall come to hear ye same, (for a rarer president can scarse be showne,) was, that after a month or 2. notwithstand all his former conffessions, convictions, and publick acknowledgments, both in ye face of ye church and whole company, with so many tears & sadde censures of him selfe before God & men, he should goe againe to justifie what he had done.

For secretly he write a 2d. leter to ye adventurers in England, in wch he justified all his former writings, (save in some things which tended to their damage,) the which, because it is brefer then ye former, I shall here inserte.

Worthy Srs: Though the filth of mine owne doings may justly be cast in my face, and with blushing cause my perpetuall silence, yet that ye truth may not herby be injuried, your selves any longer deluded, nor injurious dealing caried out still, with bould out facings, I have adventured once more to write unto you. Firest, I doe freely confess I delte very indiscreetly in some of my perticuler leters wch I wrote to private freinds, for ye courses in coming hither & the like; which I doe in no sorte seeke to justifie, though stired up ther unto in the beholding ye indirecte courses held by others, both hear, & ther with you, for effecting their designes. But am hartily sory for it, and doe to ye glory of God & mine owne shame acknowledg it. Which leters being intercepted by the Govr, I have for ye same undergone ye censure of banishmente. And had it not been for ye respecte I have unto you, and some other matters of private regard, I had returned againe at this time by ye pinass for England; for hear I purpose not to abide, unless I receive better incouragmente from you, then from ye church (as they call them selves) here I doe receive. I purposed before I came, to undergoe hardnes, therfore I shall I hope cherfully bear ye conditions of ye place, though very mean; and they have chainged my wages ten times allready. I suppose my letters, or at least ye coppies of them, are come to your hands, for so they hear reporte; which, if it be so, I pray you take notice of this, that I have writen nothing but what is certainly true, and I could make so apeare planly to any indifferente men, whatsoever colours be cast to darken ye truth, and some ther are very audatious this way; besids many other matters which are farre out of order hear. My mind was not to enlarge my selfe any further, but in respecte of diverse poore souls here, ye care of whom in parte belongs to you, being here destitute of the meās of salvation. For how so ever ye church are provided for, to their contente, who are ye smalest number in ye collony, and doe so appropriate ye ministrie to them selves, houlding this principle, that ye Lord hath not appointed any ordinary ministrie for ye conversion of those yt are without, so yt some of ye poor souls have wth tears complained of this to me, and I was taxed for preaching to all in generall. Though in truth they have had no ministrie here since they came, but such as may be performed by any of you, by their owne possition, what soever great pretences they make; but herin they equivocate, as in many other things they doe. But I exceede ye bounds I set my selfe, therfore resting thus, untill I hear further from you, so it be within ye time limited me. I rest, &c.,

Remaining yours ever,

John Lyford, Exille.

Dated Aug: 22. Ano: 1624.

They made a breefe answer to some things in this leter, but referred cheefly to their former. The effecte was to this purpose: That if God in his providence had not brought these things to their hands (both ye former & later), they might have been thus abused, tradused, and calumniated, overthrowne, & undone; and never have knowne by whom, nor for what. They desired but this equall favoure, that they would be pleased to hear their just defence, as well as his accusations, and waigh them in ye balance of justice & reason, and then censure as they pleased. They had write breefly to ye heads of things before, and should be ready to give further answer as any occasion should require; craving leave to adde a word or tow to this last.

1. And first, they desire to examene what filth that was yt he acknowledgeth might justly be throwne in his face, and might cause blushing & perpetuall silence; some great mater sure! But if it be looked into, it amounts to no more then a poynte of indiscretion, and thats all; and yet he licks of yt too with this excuse, that he was stired up therunto by beholding ye indirecte course here. But this point never troubled him here, it was counted a light matter both by him & his freinds, and put of with this,—that any man might doe so, to advise his private freinds to come over for their best advantage. All his sorrow & tears here was for ye wrong & hurt he had done us, and not at all for this he pretends to be done to you: it was not counted so much as indiscretion.

2. Having thus payed you full satisfaction, he thinks he may lay load of us here. And first complains that we have changed his wages ten times. We never agreed with him for any wages, nor made any bargen at all with him, neither know of any that you have made. You sent him over to teach amongst us, and desired he might be kindly used; and more then this we know not. That he hath beene kindly used, (and farr beter then he deserves from us,) he shall be judged first of his owne mouth. If you please to looke upon that writing of his, that was sent you amongst his leters, which he cals a generall relation, in which, though he doth otherwise traduse us, yet in this he him selfe clears us. In ye latter end therof he hath these words. I speak not this (saith he) out of any ill affection to the men, for I have found them very kind & loving to me. You may ther see these to be his owne words under his owne hand. 2ly. It will appere by this that he hath ever had a larger alowance of food out of ye store for him and his then any, and clothing as his neede hath required; a dwelling in one of our best houses, and a man wholy at his owne com̅and to tend his private affairs. What cause he hath therfore to complaine, judge ye; and what he means in his speech we know not, except he aluds to yt of Jaacob & Laban. If you have promised him more or other wise, you may doe it when you please.

3. Then with an impudente face he would have you take notice, that (in his leters) he hath write nothing but what is certainly true, yea, and he could make it so appeare plainly to any indifferente men. This indeed doth astonish us and causeth us to tremble at ye deceitfullnes and desperate wickednes of mans harte. This is to devoure holy things, and after voues to enquire. It is admirable that after such publick confession, and acknowledgmente in court, in church, before God, & men, with such sadd expressions as he used, and with such melting into teares, that after all this he shoud now justifie all againe. If things had bene done in a corner, it had been some thinge to deney them; but being done in ye open view of ye cuntrie & before all men, it is more then strange now to avow to make them plainly appear to any indifferente men; and here wher things were done, and all ye evidence that could be were presente, and yet could make nothing appear, but even his freinds condemnd him & gave their voyce to his censure, so grose were they; we leave your selves to judge herein. Yet least this man should triumph in his wikednes, we shall be ready to answer him, when, or wher you will, to any thing he shall lay to our charg, though we have done it sufficiently allready.

4. Then he saith he would not inlarge, but for some poore souls here who are destiute of ye means of salvation, &c. But all his soothing is but that you would use means, that his censure might be released that he might here continue; and under you (at least) be sheltered, till he sees what his freinds (on whom he depends) can bring about & effecte. For such men pretend much for poor souls, but they will looke to their wages & conditions; if that be not to their content, let poor souls doe what they will, they will shift for them selves, and seek poore souls some wher els among richer bodys.

Next he fals upon ye church, that indeed is ye burthensome stone that troubls him. First, he saith they hold this principle, that the Lord hath not apointed any ordinarie ministrie for ye converssion of those without. The church needs not be ashamed of what she houlds in this, haveing Gods word for her warrente; that ordinarie officers are bound cheefly to their flocks, Acts 20. 28. and are not to be extravagants, to goe, come, and leave them at their pleasurs to shift for them selves, or to be devoured of wolves. But he perverts ye truth in this as in other things, for ye Lord hath as well appoynted them to converte, as to feede in their severall charges; and he wrongs ye church to say other wise. Againe, he saith he was taxed for preaching to all in generall. This is a meere untruth, for this dissembler knows that every Lords day some are appointed to visite suspected places, & if any be found idling and neglecte ye hearing of ye word, (through idlnes or profanes,) they are punished for ye same. Now to procure all to come to hear, and then to blame him for preaching to all, were to play ye mad men.

6. Next (he saith) they have had no ministrie since they came, what soever pretences they make, &c. We answer, the more is our wrong, that our pastor is kept from us by these mens means, and then reproach us for it when they have done. Yet have we not been wholy distitute of ye means of salvation, as this man would make ye world beleeve; for our reved Elder hath laboured diligently in dispencing the word of God unto us, before he came; and since hath taken equalle pains with him selfe in preaching the same; and, be it spoaken without ostentation, he is not inferriour to Mr. Lyford (& some of his betters) either in gifts or larning, though he would never be perswaded to take higher office upon him. Nor ever was more pretended in this matter. For equivocating, he may take it to him selfe; what ye church houlds, they have manifested to ye world, in all plaines, both in open confession, doctrine, & writing.

This was ye sume of ther answer, and hear I will let them rest for ye presente. I have bene longer in these things then I desired, and yet not so long as the things might require, for I pass many things in silence, and many more deserve to have been more largly handled. But I will returne to other things, and leave ye rest to its place.

The pinass that was left sunck & cast away near Damarins-cove, as is before showed, some of ye fishing maisters said it was a pity so fine a vessell should be lost, and sent them word that, if they would be at ye cost, they would both directe them how to waygh her, and let them have their carpenters to mend her. They thanked them, & sente men aboute it, and beaver to defray ye charge, (without which all had been in vaine). So they gott coopers to trime, I know not how many tune of cask, and being made tight and fastened to her at low-water, they boyed her up; and then with many hands hald her on shore in a conveniente place wher she might be wrought upon; and then hired sundrie carpenters to work upon her, and other to saw planks, and at last fitted her & got her home. But she cost a great deale of money, in thus recovering her, and buying riging & seails for her, both now and when before she lost her mast; so as she proved a chargable vessell to ye poor plantation. So they sent her home, and with her Lyford sent his last letter, in great secrecie; but ye party intrusted with it gave it ye Govr.

The winter was passed over in ther ordinarie affairs, without any spetiall mater worth noteing; saveing that many who before stood something of from ye church, now seeing Lyfords unrighteous dealing, and malignitie against ye church, now tendered them selves to ye church, and were joyned to ye same; proffessing that it was not out of ye dislike of any thing that they had stood of so long, but a desire to fitte them selves beter for such a state, and they saw now ye Lord cald for their help. And so these troubls prodused a quite contrary effecte in sundrie hear, then these adversaries hoped for. Which was looked at as a great worke of God, to draw on men by unlickly means; and that in reason which might rather have set them further of. And thus I shall end this year.

Anno Dom: 1625.

At ye spring of ye year, about ye time of their Election Court, Oldam came againe amongst them; and though it was a part of his censure for his former mutinye and miscariage, not to returne without leave first obtained, yet in his dareing spirite, he presumed without any leave at all, being also set on & hardened by ye ill counsell of others. And not only so, but suffered his unruly passion to rune beyond ye limits of all reason and modestie; in so much that some strangers which came with him were ashamed of his outrage, and rebuked him; but all reprofes were but as oyle to ye fire, and made ye flame of his coller greater. He caled them all to nought, in this his mad furie, and a hundred rebells and traytors, and I know not what. But in conclusion they com̅ited him till he was tamer, and then apointed a gard of musketers wch he was to pass throw, and ever one was ordered to give him a thump on ye brich, with ye but end of his musket, and then was conveied to ye water side, wher a boat was ready to cary him away. Then they bid him goe & mende his maners.

Whilst this was a doing, Mr. William Peirce and Mr. Winslow came up from ye water side, being come from England; but they were so busie with Oldam, as they never saw them till they came thus upon them. They bid them not spare either him or Liford, for they had played ye vilans with them. But that I may hear make an end with him, I shall hear once for all relate what befell concerning him in ye future, & yt breefly. After ye removall of his familie from hence, he fell into some straits, (as some others did,) and aboute a year or more afterwards, towards winter, he intended a vioage for Virginia; but it so pleased God that ye barke that caried him, and many other passengers, was in that danger, as they dispaired of life; so as many of them, as they fell to prayer, so also did they begine to examine their consciences and confess such sins as did most burthen them. And Mr. Ouldame did make a free and large confession of ye wrongs and hurt he had done to ye people and church here, in many perticulers, that as he had sought their ruine, so God had now mette with him and might destroy him; yea, he feared they all fared ye worce for his sake; he prayed God to forgive him, and made vowes that, if ye Lord spard his life, he would become otherwise, and ye like. This I had from some of good credite, yet living in ye Bay, and were them selves partners in the same dangers on ye shoulds of Cap-Codd, and heard it from his owne mouth. It pleased God to spare their lives, though they lost their viage; and in time after wards, Ouldam caried him selfe fairly towards them, and acknowledged ye hand of God to be with them, and seemed to have an honourable respecte of them; and so farr made his peace with them, as he in after time had libertie to goe and come, and converse with them, at his pleasure. He went after this to Virginia, and had ther a great sicknes, but recovered and came back againe to his familie in ye Bay, and ther lived till some store of people came over. At lenght going a trading in a smale vessell among ye Indians, and being weakly mand, upon some quarell they knockt him on ye head with a hatched, so as he fell downe dead, & never spake word more. 2. litle boys that were his kinsmen were saved, but had some hurte, and ye vessell was strangly recovered from ye Indeans by another that belonged to ye Bay of Massachusets; and this his death was one ground of the Pequente warr which followed.

I am now come to Mr. Lyford. His time being now expired, his censure was to take place. He was so farre from answering their hopes by amendmente in ye time, as he had dubled his evill, as is before noted. But first behold ye hand of God conceir̅ing him, wherin that of ye Psalmist is verified. Psa: 7. 15. He hath made a pitte, & digged it, and is fallen into the pitte he made. He thought to bring shame and disgrace upon them, but in stead therof opens his owne to all ye world. For when he was delte with all aboute his second letter, his wife was so affected with his doings, as she could no longer conceaill her greefe and sorrow of minde, but opens ye same to one of their deacons & some other of her freinds, & after uttered ye same to Mr. Peirce upon his arrivall. Which was to this purpose, that she feared some great judgment of God would fall upon them, and upon her, for her husbands cause; now that they were to remove, she feared to fall into ye Indeans hands, and to be defiled by them, as he had defiled other women; or some shuch like judgmente, as God had threatened David, 2. Sam. 12. 11. I will raise up evill against ye, and will take thy wives & give them, &c. And upon it showed how he had wronged her, as first he had a bastard by another before they were maried, & she having some inkling of some ill cariage that way, when he was a suitor to her, she tould him what she heard, & deneyd him; but she not certainly knowing ye thing, other wise then by some darke & secrete muterings, he not only stifly denied it, but to satisfie her tooke a solemne oath ther was no shuch matter. Upon which she gave consente, and maried with him; but afterwards it was found true, and ye bastard brought home to them. She then charged him with his oath, but he prayed pardon, and said he should els not have had her. And yet afterwards she could keep no maids but he would be medling with them, and some time she hath taken him in ye maner, as they lay at their beds feete, with shuch other circumstances as I am ashamed to relate. The woman being a grave matron, & of good cariage all ye while she was hear, and spoake these things out of ye sorrow of her harte, sparingly, and yet wth some further intimations. And that which did most seeme to affecte her (as they conceived) was, to see his former cariage in his repentance, not only hear with ye church, but formerly about these things; sheding tears, and using great & sade expressions, and yet eftsone fall into the like things.

Another thing of ye same nature did strangly concurr herewith. When Mr. Winslow & Mr. Peirce were come over, Mr. Winslow informed them that they had had ye like bickering with Lyfords freinds in England, as they had with him selfe and his freinds hear, aboute his letters & accusations in them. And many meetings and much clamour was made by his freinds theraboute, crying out, a minister, a man so godly, to be so esteemed & taxed they held a great skandale, and threated to prosecute law against them for it. But things being referred to a further meeting of most of ye adventurers, to heare ye case and decide ye matters, they agreed to chose 2. eminente men for moderators in the bussines. Lyfords faction chose Mr. White, a counselor at law, the other parte chose Reṽed. Mr. Hooker, the minister, and many freinds on both sids were brought in, so as ther was a great assemblie. In ye mean time, God in his providence had detected Lyford's evill cariage in Ireland to some freinds amongst ye company, who made it knowne to Mr. Winslow, and directed him to 2. godly and grave witnesses, who would testifie ye same (if caled therunto) upon their oath. The thing was this; he being gott into Ireland, had wound him selfe into ye esteeme of sundry godly & zelous professours in those parts, who, having been burthened with ye ceremonies in England, found ther some more liberty to their consciences; amongst whom were these 2. men, which gave this evidence. Amongst ye rest of his hearers, ther was a godly yonge man that intended to marie, and cast his affection on a maide which lived their aboute; but desiring to chose in ye Lord, and preferred ye fear of God before all other things, before he suffered his affection to rune too farr, he resolved to take Mr. Lyfords advise and judgmente of this maide, (being ye minister of ye place,) and so broak ye matter unto him; & he promised faithfully to informe him, but would first take better knowledg of her, and have private conferance with her; and so had sundry times; and in conclusion com̅ended her highly to ye yong man as a very fitte wife for him. So they were maried togeather; but some time after mariage the woman was much troubled in mind, and afflicted in conscience, and did nothing but weepe and mourne, and long it was before her husband could get of her what was ye cause. But at length she discovered ye thing, and prayed him to forgive her, for Lyford had overcome her, and defiled her body before marriage, after he had comended him unto her for a husband, and she resolved to have him, when he came to her in that private way. The circumstances I forbear, for they would offend chast ears to hear them related, (for though he satisfied his lust on her, yet he indeaoured to hinder conception.) These things being thus discovered, ye womās husband tooke some godly freinds with him, to deale with Liford for this evill. At length he confest it, with a great deale of seeming sorrow & repentance, but was forct to leave Irland upon it, partly for shame, and partly for fear of further punishmente, for ye godly withdrew them selves from him upon it; and so com̅ing into England unhapily he was light upon & sente hither.

But in this great assembly, and before ye moderators, in handling ye former matters aboute ye letters, upon provocation, in some heate of replie to some of Lyfords defenders, Mr. Winslow let fall these words, That he had delte knavishly; upon which on of his freinds tooke hold, & caled for witneses, that he cald a minister of ye gospell knave, and would prosecute law upon it, which made a great tumulte, upon which (to be shorte) this matter broke out, and the witnes were prodused, whose persons were so grave, and evidence so plaine, and ye facte so foule, yet delivered in such modest & chast terms, and with such circumstances, as strucke all his freinds mute, and made them all ashamed; insomuch as ye moderators with great gravitie declared that ye former matters gave them cause enough to refuse him & to deal with him as they had done, but these made him unmeete for ever to bear ministrie any more, what repentance soever he should pretend; with much more to like effecte, and so wisht his freinds to rest quiete. Thus was this matter ended.

From hence Lyford wente to Natasco, in ye Bay of ye Massachusets, with some other of his freinds with him, wher Oldom allso lived. From thence he removed to Namkeke, since called Salem; but after ther came some people over, wheather for hope of greater profite, or what ends els I know not, he left his freinds that followed him, and went from thence to Virginia, wher he shortly after dyed, and so I leave him to ye Lord. His wife afterwards returned againe to this cuntry, and thus much of this matter.

This storme being thus blowne over, yet sundrie sad effects followed ye same; for the Company of Adventurers broake in peeces here upon, and ye greatest parte wholy deserted ye colony in regarde of any further supply, or care of their subsistance. And not only so, but some of Lyfords & Oldoms freinds, and their adherents, set out a shipe on fishing, on their owne accounte, and getting ye starte of ye ships that came to the plantation, they tooke away their stage, & other necessary provisions that they had made for fishing at Cap-Anne ye year before, at their great charge, and would not restore ye same, excepte they would fight for it. But ye Govr sent some of ye planters to help ye fisher men to build a new one, and so let them keepe it. This shipe also brought them some small supply, of little value; but they made so pore a bussines of their fishing, (neither could these men make them any returne for ye supply sente,) so as, after this year, they never looked more after them.

Also by this ship, they, some of them, sent (in ye name of ye rest) certaine reasons of their breaking of from ye plantation, and some tenders, upon certaine conditions, of reuniting againe. The which because they are longe & tedious, and most of them aboute the former things already touched, I shall omite them; only giveing an instance in one, or tow. 1. reason, they charged them for dissembling with his majestie in their petition, and with ye adventurers about ye French discipline, &c. 2ly, for receiving a man into their church, that in his conffession renownced all, universall, nationall, and diocessan churches, &c., by which (say they) it appears, that though they deney the name of Brow̅ists, yet they practiss ye same, &c. And therfore they should sin̅e against God in building up such a people.

Then they adde: Our dislikes thus laid downe, that we may goe on in trade wth better contente & credite, our desires are as followeth. First, that as we are partners in trade, so we may be in Goṽrt ther, as the patente doth give us power, &c.

2. That the French discipline may be practised in the plantation, as well in the circumstances theirof, as in ye substance; wherby ye scandallous name of ye Brownists, and other church differences, may be taken away.

3. Lastly, that Mr. Robinson and his company may not goe over to our plantation, unless he and they will reconcile themselves to our church by a recantation under their hands, &c.

Their answer in part to these things was then as foloweth.

Wheras you taxe us for dissembling with his majestie & ye adventurers aboute ye French discipline, you doe us wrong, for we both hold & practice ye discipline of ye French & other reformed churches, (as they have published ye same in ye Harmony of Confessions,) according to our means, in effecte & substance. But wheras you would tye us to the French discipline in every circumstance, you derogate from ye libertie we have in Christ Jesus. The Apostle Paule would have none to follow him in any thing but wherin he follows Christ, much less ought any Christian or church in ye world to doe it. The French may erre, we may erre, and other churches may erre, and doubtless doe in many circumstances. That honour therfore belongs only to ye infallible word of God, and pure Testamente of Christ, to be propounded and followed as ye only rule and pattern for direction herin to all churches & Christians. And it is too great arrogancie for any man, or church to thinke yt he or they have so sounded ye word of God to ye bottome, as precislie to sett downe ye churches discipline, without error in substance or circumstance, as yt no other without blame may digress or differ in any thing from ye same. And it is not difficulte to shew, yt the reformed churches differ in many circumstances amongest them selves.

The rest I omitte, for brevities sake, and so leave to prosecute these men or their doings any further, but shall returne to ye rest of their freinds of ye company, wch stuck to them. And I shall first inserte some part of their letters as followeth; for I thinke it best to render their minds in ther owne words.

To our loving freinds, &c.

Though the thing we feared be come upon us, and ye evill we strove against have overtaken us, yet we cannot forgett you, nor our freindship and fellowship which togeather we have had some years; wherin though our expressions have been small, yet our harty affections towards you (unknown by face) have been no less then to our nearest freinds, yea, to our owne selves. And though this your friend Mr. Winslow can tell you ye state of things hear, yet least we should seeme to neglecte you, to whom, by a wonderfull providence of God, we are so nearly united, we have thought good once more to write unto you, to let you know what is here befallen, and ye resons of it; as also our purposes & desirs toward you for hereafter.

The former course for the generalitie here is wholy dissolved from what it was; and wheras you & we were formerly sharers and partners, in all viages & deallings, this way is now no more, but you and we are left to bethinke our sellves what course to take in ye future, that your lives & our monies be not lost.

The reasons and causes of this allteration have been these. First and mainly, ye many losses and crosses at sea, and abuses of sea-men, wch have caused us to rune into so much charge, debts, & ingagements, as our estats & means were not able to goe on without impoverishing our selves, except our estats had been greater, and our associats cloven beter unto us. 2ly, as here hath been a faction and siding amongst us now more then 2. years, so now there is an uter breach and sequestration amongst us, and in too parts of us a full dissertion and forsaking of you, without any intente or purpose of medling more with you. And though we are perswaded the maine cause of this their doing is wante of money, (for neede wherof men use to make many excuses,) yet other things are pretended, as that you are Brownists, &c. Now what use you or we ought to make of these things, it remaineth to be considered, for we know ye hand of God to be in all these things, and no doubt he would admonish some thing therby, and to looke what is amise. And allthough it be now too late for us or you to prevent & stay these things, yet it is not to late to exercise patience, wisdom, and conscience in bearing them, and in caring our selves in & under them for ye time to come.

And as we our selves stand ready to imbrace all occasions that may tend to ye furthrance of so hopefull a work, rather admiring of what is, then grudging for what is not; so it must rest in you to make all good againe. And if in nothing else you can be approved, yet let your honestie & conscience be still approved, & lose not one jote of your innocencie, amids your crosses & afflictions. And surly if you upon this allteration behave your selves wisly, and goe on fairly, as men whose hope is not in this life, you shall need no other weapon to wound your adversaries; for when your righteousnes is revealled as ye light, they shall cover their faces with shame, that causlesly have sought your overthrow.

Now we thinke it but reason, that all such things as ther apertaine to the generall, be kept & preserved togeather, and rather increased dayly, then any way be dispersed or imbeseled away for any private ends or intents whatsoever. And after your necessities are served, you gather togeather such com̅odities as ye cuntrie yeelds, & send them over to pay debts & clear ingagements hear, which are not less then 1400li. And we hope you will doe your best to free our ingagements, &c. Let us all indeavor to keep a faire & honest course, and see what time will bring forth, and how God in his providence will worke for us. We still are perswaded you are ye people that must make a plantation in those remoate places when all others faile and returne. And your experience of Gods providence and preservation of you is such as we hope your harts will not faile you, though your freinds should forsake you (which we our selves shall not doe whilst we live, so long as your honestie so well appereth). Yet surly help would arise from some other place whilst you waite on God, with uprightnes, though we should leave you allso.

And lastly be you all intreated to walke circumspectly, and carry your selves so uprightly in all your ways, as yt no man may make just exceptions against you. And more espetially that ye favour and countenance of God may be so toward you, as yt you may find abundante joye & peace even amids tribulations, that you may say with David, Though my father & mother should forsake me, yet ye Lord would take me up.

We have sent you hear some catle, cloath, hose, shoes, leather, &c., but in another nature then formerly, as it stood us in hand to doe; we have com̅itted them to ye charge & custody of Mr. Allerton and Mr. Winslow, as our factours, at whose discretion they are to be sould, and com̅odities to be taken for them, as is fitting. And by how much ye more they will be chargable unto you, the better they had need to be husbanded, &c. Goe on, good freinds, comfortably, pluck up your spirits, and quitte your selves like men in all your difficulties, that notwithstanding all displeasure and threats of men, yet ye work may goe on you are aboute, and not be neglected. Which is so much for ye glorie of God, and the furthrance of our countrie-men, as that a man may with more comforte spend his life in it, then live ye life of Mathusala, in wasting ye plentie of a tilled land, or eating ye fruite of a growne tree. Thus with harty salutations to you all, and harty prayers for you all, we lovingly take our leaves, this 18. of Des: 1624.

Your assured freinds to our powers,

J. S. W. C. T. F. R. H. &c.

By this leter it appears in what state ye affairs of ye plantation stood at this time. These goods they bought, but they were at deare rates, for they put 40. in ye hundred upon them, for profite and adventure, outward bound; and because of ye v̅nture of ye paiment homeward, they would have 30. in ye 100. more, which was in all 70. p̲r. cent; a thing thought unreasonable by some, and too great an oppression upon ye poore people, as their case stood. The catle were ye best goods, for ye other being ventured ware, were neither at ye best (some of them) nor at ye best prises. Sundrie of their freinds disliked these high rates, but com̅ing from many hands, they could not help it.

They sent over also 2. ships on fishing on their owne acounte; the one was ye pinass that was cast away ye last year hear in ye cuntrie, and recovered by ye planters, (as was before related,) who, after she came home, was attached by one of ye company for his perticuler debte, and now sent againe on this accounte. The other was a great ship, who was well fitted with an experienced mr. & company of fisher-men, to make a viage, & to goe to Bilbo or Sabastians with her fish; the lesser, her order was to load with cor-fish, and to bring the beaver home for England, yt should be received for ye goods sould to ye plantation. This bigger ship made a great viage of good drie fish, the which, if they had gone to a market wth, would have yeelded them (as such fish was sould yt season) 1800li. which would have enriched them. But because ther was a bruite of warr with France, ye mr. neglected (through timerousnes) his order, and put first into Plimoth, & after into Portsmouth, and so lost their opportunitie, and came by the loss. The lesser ship had as ill success, though she was as hopfull as ye other for ye marchants profite; for they had fild her with goodly cor-fish taken upon ye banke, as full as she could swime; and besids she had some 800li. weaight of beaver, besids other furrs to a good value from ye plantation. The mr. seeing so much goods come, put it abord ye biger ship, for more saftie; but Mr. Winslow (their factor in this busines) was bound in a bond of 500li. to send it to London in ye smale ship; ther was some contending between ye mr, & him aboute it. But he tould ye mr. he would follow his order aboute it; if he would take it out afterward, it should be at his perill. So it went in ye smale ship, and he sent bills of lading in both. The mr. was so carfull being both so well laden, as they went joyfully home togeather, for he towed ye leser ship at his sterne all ye way over bound, and they had such fayr weather as he never cast her of till they were shott deep in to ye English Chanell, almost within ye sight of Plimoth; and yet ther she was unhaply taken by a Turks man of warr, and carried into Saly, wher ye mr. and men were made slaves, and many of ye beaver skins were sould for 4d. a peece. Thus was all their hops dasht, and the joyfull news they ment to cary home turned to heavie tidings. Some thought this a hand of God for their too great exaction of ye poore plantation, but Gods judgments are unseerchable, neither dare I be bould therwith: but however it shows us ye uncertainty of all humane things, and what litle cause ther is of joying in them or trusting to them.

In ye bigger of these ships was sent over Captine Standish from ye plantation, wth leters & instructions, both to their freinds of ye company which still clave to them, and also to ye Honourable Counsell of New-England. To ye company to desire yt seeing that they ment only to let them have goods upon sale, that they might have them upon easier termes, for they should never be able to bear such high intrest, or to allow so much per cent; also that what they would doe in yt way that it might be disburst in money, or such goods as were fitte and needfull for them, & bought at best hand; and to aquainte them with ye contents of his leters to ye Counsell above said, which was to this purpose, to desire their favour & help; that such of ye adventurers as had thus forsaken & deserted them, might be brought to some order, and not to keepe them bound, and them selves be free. But that they might either stand to ther former covenants, or ells come to some faire end, by dividente, or composition. But he came in a very bad time, for ye Stat was full of trouble, and ye plague very hote in London, so as no bussines could be done; yet he spake with some of ye Honourd Counsell, who promised all helpfullnes to ye plantation which lay in them. And sundrie of their freinds ye adventurers were so weakened with their losses ye last year, by ye losse of ye ship taken by the Turks, and ye loss of their fish, wch by reason of ye warrs they were forcte to land at Portsmouth, and so came to litle; so as, though their wills were good, yet theyr power was litle. And ther dyed such multituds weekly of ye plague, as all trade was dead, and litle money stirring. Yet with much adooe he tooke up 150li. (& spent a good deal of it in expences) at 50. per cent, which he bestowed in trading goods & such other most needfull comodities as he knew requiset for their use; and so returned passenger in a fhishing ship, haveing prepared a good way for ye compossition that was afterward made.

In ye mean time it pleased ye Lord to give ye plantation peace and health and contented minds, and so to blese ther labours, as they had corne sufficient, (and some to spare to others,) with other foode; neither ever had they any supply of foode but what they first brought with them. After harvest this year, they sende out a boats load of corne 40. or 50. leagues to ye eastward, up a river called Kenibeck; it being one of those 2. shalops which their carpenter had built them ye year before; for bigger vessell had they none. They had laid a litle deck over her midships to keepe ye corne drie, but ye men were faine to stand it out all weathers without shelter; and yt time of ye year begins to growe tempestious. But God preserved them, and gave them good success, for they brought home 700li. of beaver, besids some other furrs, having litle or nothing els but this corne, which them selves had raised out of ye earth. This viage was made by Mr. Winslow & some of ye old standards, for seamen they had none.

Anno Dom: 1626.

About ye begining of Aprill they heard of Captain Standish his arrivall, and sent a boat to fetch him home, and ye things he had brought. Welcome he was, but ye news he broughte was sadd in many regards; not only in regarde of the former losses, before related, which their freinds had suffered, by which some in a maner were undon, others much disabled from doing any further help, and some dead of ye plague, but also yt Mr. Robinson, their pastor, was dead, which struck them with much sorrow & sadnes, as they had cause. His and their adversaries had been long & continually plotting how they might hinder his coming hither, but ye Lord had appointed him a better place; concerning whose death & the maner therof, it will appere by these few lines write to Govr & Mr. Brewster.

Loving & kind frinds, &c. I know not whether this will ever come to your hands, or miscarie, as other my letters have done; yet in regard of ye Lords dealing with us hear, I have had a great desire to write unto you, knowing your desire to bear a parte with us, both in our joyes, & sorrows, as we doe wth you. These are therfore to give you to understand, that it hath pleased the Lord to take out of this vaell of tears, your and our loving & faithfull pastor, and my dear & Reved brother, Mr. John Robinson, who was sick some 8. days. He begane to be sick on Saturday in ye morning, yet ye next day (being the Lords day) he taught us twise. And so ye weeke after grew weaker, every day more then other; yet he felt no paine but weaknes all ye time of his sicknes. The phisick he tooke wrought kindly in mans judgmente, but he grew weaker every day, feeling litle or no paine, and sensible to ye very last. He fell sicke ye 22. of Feb: and departed this life ye 1. of March. He had a continuall inwarde ague, but free from infection, so yt all his freinds came freely to him. And if either prayers, tears, or means, would have saved his life, he had not gone hence. But he having faithfully finished his course, and performed his worke which ye Lord had appointed him here to doe, he now resteth with ye Lord in eternall hapines. We wanting him & all Church Govrs, yet we still (by ye mercie of God) continue & hould close togeather, in peace and quietnes; and so hope we shall doe, though we be very weake. Wishing (if such were ye will of God) that you & we were againe united togeather in one, either ther or here; but seeing it is ye will of ye Lord thus to dispose of things, we must labour wth patience to rest contented, till it please ye Lord otherwise to dispose. For news, is here not much; only as in England we have lost our old king James, who departed this life aboute a month agoe, so here they have lost ye old prince, Grave Mourise; who both departed this life since my brother Robinson. And as in England we have a new-king Charls, of whom ther is great hope, so hear they have made prince Hendrick Generall in his brothers place, &c. Thus with my love remembred, I take leave & rest,

Your assured loving friend,

Roger White.

Leyden, Aprill 28.
Ano: 1625.

Thus these too great princes, and their pastor, left this world near aboute one time. Death maks no difference.

He further brought them notice of ye death of their anciente friend, Mr. Cush-man, whom ye Lord tooke away allso this year, & aboute this time, who was as their right hand with their freinds ye adventurers, and for diverce years had done & agitated all their bussines with them to ther great advantage. He had write to ye Gover but some few months before, of ye sore sicknes of Mr. James Sherley, who was a cheefe friend to ye plantation, and lay at ye pointe of death, declaring his love & helpfullnes, in all things; and much bemoned the loss they should have of him, if God should now take him away, as being ye stay & life of ye whole bussines. As allso his owne purposs this year to come over, and spend his days with them. But he that thus write of anothers sicknes, knew not yt his owne death was so near. It shows allso that a mās ways are not in his owne power, but in his hands who hath ye issues of life and death. Man may purpose, but God doth dispose.

Their other freinds from Leyden writ many leters to them full of sad laments for ther heavie loss; and though their wills were good to come to them, yet they saw no probabilitie of means, how it might be effected, but concluded (as it were) that all their hopes were cutt of; and many, being aged, begane to drop away by death.

All which things (before related) being well weighed and laied togither, it could not but strick them with great perplexitie; and to looke humanly on ye state of things as they presented them selves at this time, it is a marvell it did not wholy discourage them, and sinck them. But they gathered up their spirits, and ye Lord so helped them, whose worke they had in hand, as now when they were at lowest they begane to rise againe, and being striped (in a maner) of all humane helps and hops, he brought things aboute other wise, in his devine providence, as they were not only upheld & sustained, but their proceedings both honoured and imitated by others; as by ye sequell will more appeare, if ye Lord spare me life & time to declare ye same.

Haveing now no fishing busines, or other things to intend, but only their trading & planting, they sett them selves to follow the same with ye best industrie they could. The planters finding their corne, what they could spare from ther necessities, to be a com̅oditie, (for they sould it at 6s. a bushell,) used great dilligence in planting ye same. And ye Gover and such as were designed to manage the trade, (for it was retained for ye generall good, and none were to trade in perticuler,) they followed it to the best advantage they could; and wanting trading goods, they understoode that a plantation which was at Monhigen, & belonged to some marchants of Plimoth was to breake up, and diverse usefull goods was ther to be sould; the Gover and Mr. Winslow tooke a boat and some hands and went thither. But Mr. David Thomson, who lived at Pascataway, understanding their purpose, tooke oppertunitie to goe with them, which was some hinderance to them both; for they, perceiveing their joynte desires to buy, held their goods at higher rates; and not only so, but would not sell a parcell of their trading goods, excepte they sould all. So, lest they should further prejudice one an other, they agreed to buy all, & devid them equally between them. They bought allso a parcell of goats, which they distributed at home as they saw neede & occasion, and tooke corne for them of ye people, which gave them good content. Their moyety of ye goods came to above 400li. starling. Ther was allso that spring a French ship cast away at Sacadahock, in wch were many Biscaie ruggs & other com̅odities, which were falen into these mens hands, & some other fisher men at Damerins-cove, which were allso bought in partnership, and made their parte arise to above 500li. This they made shift to pay for, for ye most part, with ye beaver & comodities they had gott ye winter before, & what they had gathered up yt somer. Mr. Thomson having some thing overcharged him selfe, desired they would take some of his, but they refused except he would let them have his French goods only; and ye marchant (who was one of Bristol) would take their bill for to be paid ye next year. They were both willing, so they became ingaged for them & tooke them. By which means they became very well furnished for trade; and tooke of therby some other ingagments wch lay upon them, as the money taken up by Captaine Standish, and ye remains of former debts. With these goods, and their corne after harvest, they gott good store of trade, so as they were enabled to pay their ingagements against ye time, & to get some cloathing for ye people, and had some comodities before hand. But now they begane to be envied, and others wente and fild ye Indeans with corne, and beat downe ye prise, giveing them twise as much as they had done, and under traded them in other comodities allso.

This year they sent Mr. Allerton into England, and gave him order to make a composition with ye adventurers, upon as good termes as he could (unto which some way had ben made ye year before by Captaine Standish); but yet injoyned him not to conclud absolutly till they knew ye termes, and had well considered of them; but to drive it to as good an issew as he could, and referr ye conclusion to them. Also they gave him a com̅ission under their hands & seals to take up some money, provided it exeeded not such a sum̅e specified, for which they engaged them selves, and gave him order how to lay out ye same for ye use of ye plantation.

And finding they ran̅e a great hazard to goe so long viages in a smale open boat, espetialy ye winter season, they begane to thinke how they might gett a small pinass; as for ye reason afforesaid, so also because others had raised ye prise with ye Indeans above ye halfe of what they had formerly given, so as in such a boat they could not carry a quantity sufficient to answer their ends. They had no ship-carpenter amongst them, neither knew how to get one at presente; but they having an ingenious man that was a house carpenter, who also had wrought with ye ship carpenter (that was dead) when he built their boats, at their request he put forth him selfe to make a triall that way of his skill; and tooke one of ye bigest of ther shalops and sawed her in ye midle, and so lenthened her some 5. or 6. foote, and strengthened her with timbers, and so builte her up, and laid a deck on her; and so made her a conveniente and wholsome vessell, very fitt & comfortable for their use, which did them servise 7. years after; and they gott her finished, and fitted with sayles & anchors, ye insuing year. And thus passed ye affairs of this year.

Anno Dom: 1627.

At ye usuall season of ye coming of ships Mr. Allerton returned, and brought some usfull goods with him, according to ye order given him. For upon his commission he tooke up 200li. which he now gott at 30. per cent. The which goods they gott safly home, and well conditioned, which was much to the comfort & contente of ye plantation. He declared unto them, allso, how, with much adoe and no small trouble, he had made a composition with ye adventurers, by the help of sundrie of their faithfull freinds ther, who had allso tooke much pains ther about. The agreement or bargen he had brought a draught of, with a list of ther names ther too annexed, drawne by the best counsell of law they could get, to make it firme. The heads wherof I shall here inserte.

To all Christian people, greeting, &c. Wheras at a meeting ye 26. of October last past, diverse & sundrie persons, whose names to ye one part of these presents are subscribed in a schedule hereunto annexed, Adventurers to New-Plimoth in New-England in America, were contented and agreed, in consideration of the sume of one thousand and eight hundred pounds sterling to be paid, (in maner and forme folling,) to sell, and make sale of all & every ye stocks, shares, lands, marchandise, and chatles, what soever, to ye said adventurers, and other ther fellow adventurers to New Plimoth aforesaid, any way accruing, or belonging to ye generalitie of ye said adventurers aforesaid; as well by reason of any sume or sumes of money, or marchandise, at any time heretofore adventured or disbursed by them, or other wise howsoever; for ye better expression and setting forth of which said agreemente, the parties to these presents subscribing, doe for them selves severally, and as much as in them is, grant, bargan, alien, sell, and transfere all & every ye said shares, goods, lands, marchandice, and chatles to them belonging as aforesaid, unto Isaack Alerton, one of ye planters resident at Plimoth afforesaid, assigned, and sent over as agente for ye rest of ye planters ther, and to such other planters at Plimoth afforesaid as ye said Isack, his heirs, or assignes, at his or ther arrivall, shall by writing or otherwise thinke fitte to joyne or partake in ye premisses, their heirs, & assignes, in as large, ample, and beneficiall maner and forme, to all intents and purposes, as ye said subscribing adventurers here could or may doe, or performe. All which stocks, shares, lands, &c. to the said adven: in severallitie alloted, apportioned, or any way belonging, the said adven: doe warrant & defend unto the said Isaack Allerton, his heirs and assignes, against them, their heirs and assignes, by these presents. And therfore ye said Isaack Allerton doth, for him, his heirs & assigns, covenant, promise, & grant too & with ye adven: whose names are here unto subscribed, ther heirs, &c. well & truly to pay, or cause to be payed, unto ye said adven: or 5. of them which were, at yt meeting afforsaid, nominated & deputed, viz. John Pocock, John Beachamp, Robart Keane, Edward Base, and James Sherley, marchants, their heirs, &c. too and for ye use of ye generallitie of them, the sume of 1800li. of lawfull money of England, at ye place appoynted for ye receipts of money, on the west side of ye Royall Exchaing in London, by 200li. yearly, and every year, on ye feast of St. Migchell, the first paiment to be made Ano: 1628. &c. Allso ye said Isaack is to indeavor to procure & obtaine from the planters of N. P. aforesaid, securitie, by severall obligations, or writings obligatory, to make paiment of ye said sume of 1800li. in forme afforsaid, according to ye true meaning of these presents. In testimonie wherof to this part of these presents remaining with ye said Isaack Allerton, ye said subscribing adven: have sett to their names, &c. And to ye other part remaining with ye said adven: the said Isaack Allerton hath subscribed his name, ye 15. Novbr Ano: 1626. in ye 2. year of his Majesties raigne.

This agreemente was very well liked of, & approved by all ye plantation, and consented unto; though they knew not well how to raise ye payment, and discharge their other ingagements, and supply the yearly wants of ye plantation, seeing they were forced for their necessities to take up money or goods at so high intrests. Yet they undertooke it, and 7. or 8. of ye cheefe of ye place became joyntly bound for ye paimente of this 1800li. (in ye behalfe of ye rest) at ye severall days. In which they rane a great adventure, as their present state stood, having many other heavie burthens allready upon them, and all things in an uncertaine condition amongst them. So ye next returne it was absolutly confirmed on both sids, and ye bargen fairly ingrossed in partchmente and in many things put into better forme, by ye advice of ye learnedest counsell they could gett; and least any forfeiture should fall on ye whole for none paimente at any of ye days, it rane thus: to forfite 30s. a weeke if they missed ye time; and was concluded under their hands & seals, as may be seen at large by ye deed it selfe.

Now though they had some untowarde persons mixed amongst them from the first, which came out of England, and more afterwards by some of ye adventurers, as freindship or other affections led them,—though sundrie were gone, some for Virginia, and some to other places,—yet diverse were still mingled amongst them, about whom ye Gover & counsell with other of their cheefe freinds had serious consideration, how to setle things in regard of this new bargen or purchas made, in respecte of ye distribution of things both for ye presente and future. For ye present, excepte peace and union were preserved, they should be able to doe nothing, but indanger to over throw all, now that other tyes & bonds were taken away. Therfore they resolved, for sundrie reasons, to take in all amongst them, that were either heads of families, or single yonge men, that were of abillity, and free, (and able to governe them selvs with meete descretion, and their affairs, so as to be helpfull in ye comone-welth,) into this partnership or purchass. First, yey considered that they had need of men & strength both for defence and carrying on of bussinesses. 2ly, most of them had borne ther parts in former miseries & wants with them, and therfore (in some sort) but equall to partake in a better condition, if ye Lord be pleased to give it. But cheefly they saw not how peace would be preserved without so doing, but danger & great disturbance might grow to their great hurte & prejudice other wise. Yet they resolved to keep such a mean in distribution of lands, and other courses, as should not hinder their growth in others coming to them.

So they caled ye company togeather, and conferred with them, and came to this conclusion, that ye trade should be managed as before, to help to pay the debts; and all such persons as were above named should be reputed and inrouled for purchasers; single free men to have a single share, and every father of a familie to be alowed to purchass so many shares as he had persons in his family; that is to say, one for him selfe, and one for his wife, and for every child that he had living with him, one. As for servants, they had none, but what either their maisters should give them out of theirs, or their deservings should obtaine from ye company afterwards. Thus all were to be cast into single shares according to the order abovesaid; and so every one was to pay his part according to his proportion towards ye purchass, & all other debts, what ye profite of ye trade would not reach too; viz. a single man for a single share, a maister of a famalie for so many as he had. This gave all good contente. And first accordingly the few catle which they had were devided, which arose to this proportion; a cowe to 6. persons or shars, & 2. goats to ye same, which were first equalised for age & goodnes, and then lotted for; single persons consorting with others, as they thought good, & smaler familys likwise; and swine though more in number, yet by ye same rule. Then they agreed that every person or share should have 20. acres of land devided unto them, besids ye single acres they had allready; and they appoynted were to begin first on ye one side of ye towne, & how farr to goe; and then on ye other side in like maner; and so to devid it by lotte; and appointed sundrie by name to doe it, and tyed them to certaine ruls to proceed by; as that they should only lay out settable or tillable land, at least such of it as should butt on ye water side, (as ye most they were to lay out did,) and pass by ye rest as refuse and com̅une; and what they judged fitte should be so taken. And they were first to agree of ye goodnes & fitnes of it before the lott was drawne, and so it might as well prove some of ther owne, as an other mans; and this course they were to hould throwout. But yet seekeing to keepe ye people togither, as much as might be, they allso agreed upon this order, by mutuall consente, before any lots were cast: that whose lotts soever should fall next ye towne, or most conveninte for nearnes, they should take to them a neigboure or tow, whom they best liked; and should suffer them to plant corne with them for 4. years; and afterwards they might use as much of theirs for as long time, if they would. Allso every share or 20. acers was to be laid out 5. acres in breadth by ye water side, and 4. acres in lenght, excepting nooks & corners, which were to be measured as yey would bear to best advantage. But no meadows were to be laid out at all, nor were not of many years after, because they were but streight of meadow grounds; and if they had bene now given out, it would have hindred all addition to them afterwards; but every season all were appoynted wher they should mowe, according to ye proportion of catle they had. This distribution gave generally good contente, and setled mens minds. Also they gave ye Gover & 4. or 5. of ye spetiall men amongst them, ye houses they lived in; ye rest were valued & equalised at an indiferent rate, and so every man kept his owne, and he that had a better alowed some thing to him that had a worse, as ye valuation wente.

Ther is one thing that fell out in ye begining of ye winter before, which I have refferred to this place, that I may handle ye whole matter togeither. Ther was a ship, with many passengers in her and sundrie goods, bound for Virginia. They had lost them selves at sea, either by ye insufficiencie of ye maister, or his ilnes; for he was sick & lame of ye scurvie, so that he could but lye in ye cabin dore, & give direction; and it should seeme was badly assisted either wth mate or mariners; or else ye fear and unrulines of ye passengers were such, as they made them stear a course betweene ye southwest & ye norwest, that they might fall with some land, what soever it was they cared not. For they had been 6. weeks at sea, and had no water, nor beere, nor any woode left, but had burnt up all their emptie caske; only one of ye company had a hogshead of wine or 2. which was allso allmost spente, so as they feared they should be starved at sea, or consumed with diseases, which made them rune this desperate course. But it plased God that though they came so neare ye shoulds of Cap-Codd or else ran stumbling over them in ye night, they knew not how, they came right before a small blind harbore, that lyes about ye midle of Manamoyake Bay, to ye southward of Cap-Codd, with a small gale of wind; and about highwater toucht upon a barr of sand that lyes before it, but had no hurte, ye sea being smoth; so they laid out an anchore. But towards the evening the wind sprunge up at sea, and was so rough, as broake their cable, & beat them over the barr into ye harbor, wher they saved their lives & goods, though much were hurte with salt water; for wth beating they had sprung ye but end of a planke or too, & beat out ther occome; but they were soone over, and ran on a drie flate within the harbor, close by a beach; so at low water they gatt out their goods on drie shore, and dried those that were wette, and saved most of their things without any great loss; neither was ye ship much hurt, but shee might be mended, and made servisable againe. But though they were not a litle glad that they had thus saved their lives, yet when they had a litle refreshed them selves, and begane to thinke on their condition, not knowing wher they were, nor what they should doe, they begane to be strucken with sadnes. But shortly after they saw some Indians come to them in canows, which made them stand upon their gard. But when they heard some of ye Indeans speake English unto them, they were not a litle revived, especially when they heard them demand if they were the Gover of Plimoths men, or freinds; and yt they would bring them to ye English houses, or carry their letters.

They feasted these Indeans, and gave them many giftes; and sente 2. men and a letter with them to ye Gover, and did intreat him to send a boat unto them, with some pitch, and occume, and spiks, wth divers other necessaries for ye mending of ther ship (which was recoverable). Allso they besought him to help them with some corne and sundrie other things they wanted, to enable them to make their viage to Virginia; and they should be much bound to him, and would make satisfaction for any thing they had, in any comodities they had abord. After ye Gover was well informed by ye messengers of their condition, he caused a boate to be made ready, and such things to be provided as they write for; and because others were abroad upon trading, and such other affairs, as had been fitte to send unto them, he went him selfe, and allso carried some trading comodities, to buy them corne of ye Indeans. It was no season of ye year to goe withoute ye Cape, but understanding wher ye ship lay, he went into ye bottom of ye bay, on ye inside, and put into a crick called Naumskachett, wher it is not much above 2. mile over land to ye bay wher they were, wher he had ye Indeans ready to cary over any thing to them. Of his arrivall they were very glad, and received the things to mend ther ship, and other necessaries. Allso he bought them as much corne as they would have; and wheras some of their sea-men were rune away amonge the Indeans, he procured their returne to ye ship, and so left them well furnished and contented, being very thankfull for ye curtesies they receaved. But after the Governor thus left them, he went into some other harbors ther aboute and loaded his boat with corne, which he traded, and so went home. But he had not been at home many days, but he had notice from them, that by the violence of a great storme, and ye bad morring of their ship (after she was mended) she was put a shore, and so beatten and shaken as she was now wholy unfitte to goe to sea. And so their request was that they might have leave to repaire to them, and soujourne with them, till they could have means to convey them selves to Virginia; and that they might have means to trāsport their goods, and they would pay for ye same, or any thing els wher with ye plantation should releeve them. Considering their distres, their requests were granted, and all helpfullnes done unto them; their goods transported, and them selves & goods sheltered in their houses as well as they could.

The cheefe amongst these people was one Mr. Fells and Mr. Sibsie, which had many servants belonging unto them, many of them being Irish. Some others ther were yt had a servante or 2. a peece; but ye most were servants, and such as were ingaged to the former persons, who allso had ye most goods. Affter they were hither come, and some thing setled, the maisters desired some ground to imploye ther servants upon; seing it was like to be ye latter end of ye year before they could have passage for Virginia, and they had now ye winter before them; they might clear some ground, and plant a crope (seeing they had tools, & necessaries for ye same) to help to bear their charge, and keep their servants in imployment; and if they had opportunitie to departe before the same was ripe, they would sell it on ye ground. So they had ground appointed them in convenient places, and Fells & some other of them raised a great deall of corne, which they sould at their departure. This Fells, amongst his other servants, had a maid servante which kept his house & did his household affairs, and by the intimation of some that belonged unto him, he was suspected to keep her, as his concubine; and both of them were examined ther upon, but nothing could be proved, and they stood upon their justification; so with admonition they were dismiste. But afterward it appeard she was with child, so he gott a small boat, & ran away with her, for fear of punishmente. First he went to Cap-Anne, and after into ye bay of ye Massachussets, but could get no passage, and had like to have been cast away; and was forst to come againe and submite him selfe; but they pact him away & those that belonged unto him by the first oppertunitie, and dismiste all the rest as soone as could, being many untoward people amongst them; though ther were allso some that caried them selves very orderly all ye time they stayed. And the plantation had some benefite by them, in selling them corne & other provisions of food for cloathing; for they had of diverse kinds, as cloath, perpetuanes, & other stuffs, besids hose, & shoes, and such like com̅odities as ye planters stood in need of. So they both did good, and received good one from another; and a cuple of barks caried them away at ye later end of som̅er. And sundrie of them have acknowledged their thankfullnes since from Virginia.

That they might ye better take all convenient opportunitie to follow their trade, both to maintaine them selves, and to disingage them of those great sumes which they stood charged with, and bound for, they resoloved to build a smale pinass at Manamet, a place 20. mile from ye plantation, standing on ye sea to ye southward of them, unto which, by an other creeke on this side, they could cary their goods, within 4. or 5. miles, and then trāsport them over land to their vessell; and so avoyd the compasing of Cap-Codd, and those deangerous shoulds, and so make any vioage to ye southward in much shorter time, and with farr less danger. Also for ye saftie of their vessell & goods, they builte a house their, and kept some servants, who also planted corne, and reared some swine, and were allwayes ready to goe out with ye barke when ther was occasion. All which tooke good effecte, and turned to their profite.

They now sent (with ye returne of ye ships) Mr. Allerton againe into England, giveing him full power, under their hands & seals, to conclude the former bargaine with ye adventurers; and sent ther bonds for ye paimente of the money. Allso they sent what beaver they could spare to pay some of their ingagementes, & to defray his chargs; for those deepe interests still kepte them low. Also he had order to procure a patente for a fitt trading place in ye river of Kenebec; for being emulated both by the planters at Pascataway &, other places to ye eastward of them, and allso by ye fishing ships, which used to draw much profite from ye Indeans of those parts, they threatened to procure a grante, & shutte them out from thence; espetially after they saw them so well furnished with com̅odities, as to carie the trade from them. They thought it but needfull to prevente such a thing, at least that they might not be excluded from free trade ther, wher them selves had first begune and discovered the same, ād brought it to so good effecte. This year allso they had letters, and messengers from ye Dutch-plantation, sent unto them from ye Govr ther, writen both in Dutch & French. The Dutch had traded in these southerne parts, diverse years before they came; but they begane no plantation hear till 4. or 5. years after their coming, and here begining. Ther letters were as followeth. It being their maner to be full of complementall titles.

Eedele, Eerenfeste Wyse Voorsinnige Heeren, den Gŏveerneŭr, ende Raeden in Nieu-Pliemŭen residerende; onse seer Goede vrinden den directeŭr ende Raed van Nieu-Nederlande, wensen vw̅e Edn: eerenfesten, ende wijse voorsinnige gelŭck salichitt [gelukzaligheid?], In Christi Jesu onsen Heere; met goede voorspoet, ende gesonthijt, naer siele, ende lichaem. Amen.

The rest I shall render in English, leaving out the repetition of superfluous titles.

We have often before this wished for an opportunitie or an occasion to congratulate you, and your prosperous and praise-worthy undertakeings, and Government of your colony ther. And the more, in that we also have made a good begining to pitch ye foundation of a collonie hear; and seeing our native countrie lyes not farr from yours, and our forefathers (diverse hundred years agoe) have made and held frendship and alliance with your ancestours, as sufficently appears by ye old contractes, and entrecourses, confirmed under ye hands of kings & princes, in ye pointe of warr & trafick; as may be seene and read by all ye world in ye old chronakles. The which are not only by the king now reigning confirmed, but it hath pleased his majesty, upon mature deliberation, to make a new covenante, (and to take up armes,) with ye States Generall of our dear native country, against our commone enemie the Spaniards, who seeke nothing else but to usurpe and overcome other Christian kings and princes lands, that so he might obtaine and possess his pretended monarchic over all Christendom; and so to rule and com̅and, after his owne pleasure, over ye consciences of so many hundred thousand sowles, which God forbid.

And also seeing it hath some time since been reported unto us, by some of our people, that by occasion came so farr northward with their shalop, and met with sundry of ye Indeans, who tould them that they were within halfe a days journey of your plantation, and offered ther service to cary letters unto you; therfore we could not forbear to salute you with these few lines, with presentation of our good will and servise unto you, in all frendly-kindnes & neighbourhood. And if it so fall out that any goods that comes to our hands from our native countrie, may be serviceable unto you, we shall take our selves bound to help and accom̅adate you ther with; either for beaver or any other wares or marchandise that you should be pleased to deale for. And if in case we have no com̅odity at present that may give you contente, if you please to sell us any beaver, or otter, or such like comodities as may be usefull for us, for ready money, and let us understand therof by this bearer in writing, (whom we have apoynted to stay 3. or 4. days for your answer,) when we understand your minds therin, we shall depute one to deale with you, at such place as you shall appointe. In ye mean time we pray the Lord to take you, our honoured good freinds and neighbours, into his holy protection.

By the appointment of ye Govr and Counsell, &c.

Isaak de Rasier, Secrectaris.

From ye Manhatas, in ye fort Amsterdam,

March 9. Ano: 1627.

To this they returned answer as followeth, on ye other side.

To the Honoured, &c.

The Gover & Counsell of New-Plim: wisheth, &c. We have received your leters, &c. wherin appeareth your good wills & frendship towards us; but is expresed wth over high titls, more then belongs to us, or is meete for us to receive. But for your good will, and congratulations of our prosperitie in these smale beginings of our poore colonie, we are much bound unto you, and with many thanks doe acknowledg ye same; taking it both for a great honour done unto us, and for a certaine testimoney of your love and good neighbourhood.

Now these are further to give your Worpps to understand, that it is to us no smale joye to hear, that his majestie hath not only bene pleased to confirme yt ancient amitie, aliance, and frendship, and other contracts, formerly made & ratified by his predecessors of famous memorie, but hath him selfe (as you say) strengthened the same with a new-union the better to resist ye prid of yt com̅one enemy ye Spaniard, from whose cruelty the Lord keep us both, and our native countries. Now forasmuch as this is sufficiente to unite us togeather in love and good neighbourhood, in all our dealings, yet are many of us further obliged, by the good and curteous entreaty which we have found in your countrie; haveing lived ther many years, with freedome, and good contente, as also many of our freinds doe to this day; for which we, and our children after us, are bound to be thankfull to your Nation, and shall never forgett ye same, but shall hartily desire your good & prosperity, as our owne, for ever.

Likwise for your freindly tender, & offer to acom̅odate and help us with any comodities or marchandise you have, or shall come to you, either for beaver, otters, or other wares, it is to us very acceptable, and we doubte not but in short time we may have profitable com̅erce & trade togeather. But for this year we are fully supplyed with all necessaries, both for cloathing and other things; but hereafter it is like we shall deale with you, if your rates be reasonable. And therfore when you please to send to us againe by any of yours, we desire to know how you will take beaver, by ye pounde, & otters, by ye skine; and how you will deale per cent. for other comodities, and what you can furnishe us with. As likwise what other commodities from us may be acceptable unto you, as tobaco, fish, corne, or other things, and what prises you will give, &c.

Thus hoping that you will pardon & excuse us for our rude and imperfecte writing in your language, and take it in good parte, because for wante of use we cannot so well express that we understand, nor hapily understand every thing so fully as we should. And so we humbly pray the Lord for his mercie sake, that he will take both us and you into his keeping & gratious protection.

By ye Gover and Counsell of New-Plimoth,

Your Worpps very good freinds & neigbours, &c.

New-Plim: March 19.

After this ther was many passages betweene them both by letters and other entercourse; and they had some profitable commerce togither for diverce years, till other occasions interrupted ye same, as may happily appear afterwards, more at large.

Before they sent Mr. Allerton away for England this year, ye Gover and some of their cheefe freinds had serious consideration, not only how they might discharge those great ingagments which lay so heavily upon them, as is affore mentioned, but also how they might (if possiblie they could) devise means to help some of their freinds and breethren of Leyden over unto them, who desired so much to come to them, ād they desired as much their company. To effecte which, they resolved to rune a high course, and of great adventure, not knowing otherwise how to bring it aboute. Which was to hire ye trade of ye company for certaine years, and in that time to undertake to pay that 1800li. and all ye rest of ye debts that then lay upon ye plantation, which was aboute some 600li. more; and so to set them free, and returne the trade to ye generalitie againe at ye end of ye terme. Upon which resolution they called ye company togeither, and made it clearly appear unto all what their debts were, and upon what terms they would undertake to pay them all in such a time, and sett them clear. But their other ends they were faine to keepe secrete, haveing only privatly acquaynted some of their trusty freinds therwith; which were glad of ye same, but doubted how they would be able to performe it. So after some agitation of the thing wth ye company, it was yeelded unto, and the agreemente made upon ye conditions following.

Articles of agreemente betweene ye collony of New-Plim̅oth of ye one partie, and William Bradford, Captein Myles Standish, Isaack Allerton, &c. one ye other partie; and shuch others as they shall thinke good to take as partners and undertakers with them, concerning the trade for beaver & other furrs & comodities, &c.; made July, 1627.

First, it is agreed and covenanted betweexte ye said parties, that ye afforsaid William Bradford, Captain Myl Standish, & Isaack Allerton, &c. have undertaken, and doe by these presents, covenante and agree to pay, discharge, and acquite ye said collony of all ye debtes both due for ye purchass, or any other belonging to them, at ye day of ye date of these presents.

Secondly, ye above-said parties are to have and freely injoye ye pinass latly builte, the boat at Manamett, and ye shalop, called ye Bass-boat, with all other implements to them belonging, that is in ye store of ye said company; with all ye whole stock of furrs, fells, beads, corne, wampampeak, hatchets, knives, &c. that is now in ye storre, or any way due unto ye same uppon accounte.

3ly. That ye above said parties have ye whole trade to them selves, their heires and assignes, with all ye privileges therof, as ye said collonie doth now, or may use the same, for 6. full years, to begine ye last of September next insuing.

4ly. In furder consideration of ye discharge of ye said debtes, every severall purchaser doth promise and covenante yearly to pay, or cause to be payed, to the above said parties, during ye full terme of ye said 6. years, 3. bushells of corne, or 6li. of tobaco, at ye undertakers choyse.

5ly. The said undertakers shall dureing ye afforesaid terme bestow 50li. per annum, in hose and shoese, to be brought over for ye collonies use, to be sould unto them for corne at 6s. per bushell.

6ly. That at ye end of ye said terme of 6. years, the whole trade shall returne to yt use and benefite of ye said collonie, as before.

Lastly, if ye afforesaid undertakers, after they have aquainted their freinds in England with these covenants, doe (upon ye first returne) resolve to performe them, and undertake to discharge ye debtes of ye said collony, according to ye true meaning & intente of these presents, then they are (upon such notice given) to stand in full force; otherwise all things to remaine as formerly they were, and a true accounte to be given to ye said collonie, of the disposing of all things according to the former order.

Mr. Allerton carried a coppy of this agreemente with him into England, and amongst other his instructions had order given him to deale with some of their speciall freinds, to joyne with them in this trade upon ye above recited conditions; as allso to imparte their further ends that moved them to take this course, namly, the helping over of some of their freinds from Leyden, as they should be able; in which if any of them would joyne with them they should thankfully acceptt of their love and partnership herein. And with all (by their letters) gave them some grounds of their hops of the accomplishmente of these things with some advantage.

Anno Dom: 1628.

After Mr. Allertons arivall in England, he aquainted them with his comission and full power to conclude ye forementioned bargan & purchas; upon the veiw wherof, and ye delivery of ye bonds for ye paymente of ye money yearly, (as is before mentioned,) it was fully concluded, and a deede fairly ingrossed in partchmente was delivered him, under their hands & seals confirming the same. Morover he delte with them aboute other things according to his instructions. As to admitt some of these their good freinds into this purchass if they pleased, and to deale with them for moneys at better rates, &c. Touching which I shall hear inserte a letter of Mr. Sherleys, giving light to what followed therof, writ to ye Govr as followeth.

Sr: I have received yours of ye 26. of May by Mr. Gibs, & Mr. Goffe, with ye barrell of otter skins, according to ye contents; for which I got a bill of store, and so tooke them up, and sould them togeather at 78li. 12s. sterling; and since, Mr. Allerton hath received ye money, as will apear by the accounte. It is true (as you write) that your ingagments are great, not only the purchass, but you are yet necessitated to take up ye stock you work upon; and yt not at 6. or 8. pr cent. as it is here let out, but at 30. 40. yea, & some at 50. pr cent. which, were not your gaines great, and Gods blessing on your honest indeaours more then ordinarie, it could not be yt you should longe subsiste in ye maintaining of, & upholding of your worldly affaires. And this your honest & discreete agente, Mr. Allerton, hath seriously considered, & deeply laid to mind, how to ease you of it. He tould me you were contented to accepte of me & some few others, to joyne with you in ye purchass, as partners; for which I kindly thanke you and all ye rest, and doe willingly accepte of it. And though absente, shall willingly be at shuch charge as you & ye rest shall thinke meete; and this year am contented to forbear my former 50li. and 2. years increase for ye venture, both which now makes it 80li. without any bargaine or condition for ye profite, you (I mean ye generalitie) stand to ye adventure, outward, and homeward. I have perswaded Mr. Andrews and Mr. Beachamp to doe ye like, so as you are eased of ye high rate, you were at ye other 2. yeares; I say we leave it freely to your selves to alow us what you please, and as God shall blesse. What course I rune, Mr. Beachamp desireth to doe ye same; and though he have been or seemed somwhat harsh heretofore, yet now you shall find he is new moulded. I allso see by your letter, you desire I should be your agente or factore hear. I have ever found you so faithfull, honest, and upright men, as I have even resolved with my selfe (God assisting me) to doe you all ye good lyeth in my power; and therfore if you please to make choyse of so weak a man, both for abillities and body, to performe your bussines, I promise (ye Lord enabling me) to doe ye best I can according to those abillities he hath given me; and wherin I faile, blame your selves, yt you made no better choyce. Now, because I am sickly, and we are all mortall, I have advised Mr. Allerton to joyne Mr. Beachamp with me in your deputation, which I conceive to be very necessary & good for you; your charge shall be no more, for it is not your salarie maks me undertake your bussines. Thus contending you & yours, and all Gods people, unto ye guidance and protection of ye Allmightie, I ever rest,

Your faithfull loving freind,

James Sherley.

London, Nov. 17. 1628.

With this leter they sent a draught of a formall deputation to be hear sealed and sent back unto them, to authorise them as their agents, according to what is mentioned in ye above said letter; and because some inconvenience grue therby afterward I shall here inserte it.

To all to whom these prēts shall come greeting; know yee that we, William Bradford, Govr of Plimoth, in N.E. in America, Isaak Allerton, Myles Standish, William Brewster, & Ed: Winslow, of Plimoth aforesaid, marchants, doe by these presents for us & in our names, make, substitute, & appointe James Sherley, Goldsmith, & John Beachamp, Salter, citizens of London, our true & lawfull agents, factors, substitutes, & assignes; as well to take and receive all such goods, wares, & marchandise what soever as to our said substitutes or either of them, or to ye citie of London, or other place of ye Relme of Engl: shall be sente, transported, or come from us or any of us, as allso to vend, sell, barter, or exchaing ye said goods, wares, and marchandise so from time to time to be sent to such person or persons upon credite, or other wise in such maner as to our said agents & factors joyently, or to either of them severally shall seeme meete. And further we doe make & ordaine our said substituts & assignes joyntly & severally for us, & to our uses, & accounts, to buy and consigne for and to us into New-Engl: aforesaid, such goods and marchandise to be provided here, and to be returned hence, as by our said assignes, or either of them, shall be thought fitt. And to recover, receive, and demand for us & in our names all such debtes & sumes of money, as now are or hereafter shall be due incidente accruing or belonging to us, or any of us, by any wayes or means; and to acquite, discharge, or compound for any debte or sume of money, which now or hereafter shall be due or oweing by any person or persons to us, or any of us. And generally for us & in our names to doe, performe, and execute every acte & thing which to our said assignes, or either of them, shall seeme meete to be done in or aboute ye premissies, as fully & effectually, to all intents & purposes, as if we or any of us were in person presente. And whatsoever our said agents & factors joyntly or severally shall doe, or cause to be done, in or aboute ye premisses, we will & doe, & every of us doth ratife, alow, & confirme, by these presents. In wittnes wherof we have here unto put our hands & seals. Dated 18. Novbr 1628.

This was accordingly confirmed by the above named, and 4. more of the cheefe of them under their hands & seals, and delivered unto them. Also Mr. Allerton formerly had authoritie under their hands & seals for ye transacting of ye former bussines, and taking up of moneys, &c. which still he retained whilst he was imployed in these affaires; they mistrusting neither him nor any of their freinds faithfullnes, which made them more remisse in looking to shuch acts as had passed under their hands, as necessarie for ye time; but letting them rune on to long unminded or recaled, it turned to their harme afterwards, as will appere in its place.

Mr. Allerton having setled all things thus in a good and hopfull way, he made hast to returne in ye first of ye spring to be hear with their supply for trade, (for ye fishermen with whom he came used to sett forth in winter & be here betimes.) He brought a resonable supply of goods for ye plantation, and without those great interests as before is noted; and brought an accounte of ye beaver sould, and how ye money was disposed for goods, & ye paymente of other debtes, having paid all debts abroad to others, save to Mr. Sherley, Mr. Beachamp, & Mr. Andrews; from whom likwise he brought an accounte which to them all amounted not to above 400li. for which he had passed bonds. Allso he had payed the first paymente for ye purchass, being due for this year, viz. 200li. and brought them ye bonde for ye same canselled; so as they now had no more foreine debtes but ye abovesaid 400li. and odde pownds, and ye rest of ye yearly purchass monie. Some other debtes they had in ye cuntrie, but they were without any intrest, & they had wherwith to discharge them when they were due. To this pass the Lord had brought things for them. Also he brought them further notice that their freinds, the abovenamed, & some others that would joyne with them in ye trad & purchass, did intend for to send over to Leyden, for a competente number of them, to be hear the next year without fayle, if ye Lord pleased to blesse their journey. He allso brought them a patente for Kenebeck, but it was so straite & ill bounded, as they were faine to renew & inlarge it the next year, as allso that which they had at home, to their great charge, as will after appeare. Hithertoo Mr. Allerton did them good and faithfull service; and well had it been if he had so continued, or els they had now ceased for imploying him any longer thus into England. But of this more afterwards.

Having procured a patente (as is above said) for Kenebeck, they now erected a house up above in ye river in ye most convenientest place for trade, as they conceived, and furnished the same with com̅odities for yt end, both winter & som̅er, not only with corne, but also with such other commodities as ye fishermen had traded with them, as coats, shirts, ruggs, & blankets, biskett, pease, prunes, &c.; and what they could not have out of England, they bought of the fishing ships, and so carried on their bussines as well as they could.

This year the Dutch sent againe unto them from their plantation, both kind leterss, and also diverse comodities, as suger, linen cloth, Holand finer & courser stufes, &c. They came up with their barke to Manamete, to their house ther, in which came their Secretarie Rasier; who was accompanied with a noyse of trumpeters, and some other attendants; and desired that they would send a boat for him, for he could not travill so farr over land. So they sent a boat to Manonscussett, and brought him to ye plantation, with ye cheefe of his company. And after some few days entertainmente, he returned to his barke, and some of them wente with him, and bought sundry of his goods; after which begining thus made, they sente often times to ye same place, and had entercourse togeather for diverce years; and amongst other comodities, they vended much tobaco for linen cloath, stuffs, &c., which was a good benefite to ye people, till the Virginians found out their plantation. But that which turned most to their profite, in time, was an entrance into the trade of Wampampeake; for they now bought aboute 50li. worth of it of them; and they tould them how vendable it was at their forte Orania; and did perswade them they would find it so at Kenebeck; and so it came to pass in time, though at first it stuck, & it was 2. years before they could put of this small quantity, till ye inland people knew of it; and afterwards they could scarce ever gett enough for them, for many years togeather. And so this, with their other provissions, cutt of they trade quite from ye fisher-men, and in great part from other of ye stragling planters. And strange it was to see the great allteration it made in a few years amonge ye Indeans them selves; for all the Indeans of these parts, & ye Massachussets, had none or very litle of it, but ye sachems & some spetiall persons that wore a litle of it for ornamente. Only it was made & kepte amonge ye Nariganssets, & Pequents, which grew rich & potent by it, and these people were poore & begerly, and had no use of it. Neither did the English of this plantation, or any other in ye land, till now that they had knowledg of it from ye Dutch, so much as know what it was, much less yt it was a com̅oditie of that worth & valew. But after it grue thus to be a comoditie in these parts, these Indeans fell into it allso, and to learne how to make it; for ye Narigansets doe geather ye shells of which yey make it from their shors. And it hath now continued a current comoditie aboute this 20. years, and it may prove a drugg in time. In ye mean time it maks ye Indeans of these parts rich & power full and also prowd therby; and fills them with peeces, powder, and shote, which no laws can restraine, by reasone of ye bassnes of sundry unworthy persons, both English, Dutch, & French, which may turne to ye ruine of many. Hithertoo ye Indeans of these parts had no peeces nor other armes but their bowes & arrowes, nor of many years after; nether durst they scarce handle a gune, so much were they affraid of them; and ye very sight of one (though out of kilter) was a terrour unto them. But those Indeans to ye east parts, which had com̅erce with ye French, got peces of them, and they in the end made a commone trade of it; and in time our English fisher-men, led with ye like covetoussnes, followed their example, for their owne gaine; but upon complainte against them, it pleased the kings majestie to prohibite ye same by a stricte proclaimation, commanding that no sorte of armes, or munition, should by any of his subjects be traded with them.

Aboute some 3. or 4. years before this time, ther came over one Captaine Wolastone, (a man of pretie parts,) and with him 3. or 4. more of some eminencie, who brought with them a great many servants, with provissions & other implments for to begine a plantation; and pitched them selves in a place within the Massachusets, which they called, after their Captains name, Mount-Wollaston. Amongst whom was one Mr. Morton, who, it should seeme, had some small adventure (of his owne or other mens) amongst them; but had litle respecte amongst them, and was sleghted by ye meanest servants. Haveing continued ther some time, and not finding things to answer their expectations, nor profite to arise as they looked for, Captaine Wollaston takes a great part of ye sarvants, and transports them to Virginia, wher he puts them of at good rates, selling their time to other men; and writs back to one Mr. Rassdall, one of his cheefe partners, and accounted their marchant, to bring another parte of them to Verginia likewise, intending to put them of ther as he had done ye rest. And he, wth ye consente of ye said Rasdall, appoynted one Fitcher to be his Livetenante, and governe ye remaines of ye plantation, till he or Rasdall returned to take further order theraboute. But this Morton abovesaid, haveing more craft then honestie, (who had been a kind of petie-fogger, of Furnefells Inne,) in ye others absence, watches an oppertunitie, (commons being but hard amongst them,) and gott some strong drinck & other junkats, & made them a feast; and after they were merie, he begane to tell them, he would give them good counsell. You see (saith he) that many of your fellows are carried to Virginia; and if you stay till this Rasdall returne, you will also be carried away and sould for slaves with ye rest. Therfore I would advise you to thruste out this Levetenant Fitcher; and I, having a parte in the plantation, will receive you as my partners and consociats; so may you be free from service, and we will converse, trad, plante, & live togeather as equalls, & supporte & protecte one another, or to like effecte. This counsell was easily received; so they tooke oppertunitie, and thrust Levetenante Fitcher out a dores, and would suffer him to come no more amongst them, but forct him to seeke bread to eate, and other releefe from his neigbours, till he could gett passages for England. After this they fell to great licenciousnes, and led a dissolute life, powering out them selves into all profanenes. And Morton became lord of misrule, and maintained (as it were) a schoole of Athisme. And after they had gott some good into their hands, and gott much by trading with ye Indeans, they spent it as vainly, in quaffing & drinking both wine & strong waters in great exsess, and, as some reported, 10li. worth in a morning. They allso set up a May-pole, drinking and dancing aboute it many days togeather, inviting the Indean women, for their consorts, dancing and frisking togither, (like so many fairies, or furies rather,) and worse practises. As if they had anew revived & celebrated the feasts of ye Roman Goddes Flora, or ye beasly practieses of ye madd Bacchinalians. Morton likwise (to shew his poetrie) composed sundry rimes & verses, some tending to lasciviousnes, and others to ye detraction & scandall of some persons, which he affixed to this idle or idoll May-polle. They chainged allso the name of their place, and in stead of calling it Mounte Wollaston, they call it Merie-mounte, as if this joylity would have lasted ever. But this continued not long, for after Morton was sent for England, (as follows to be declared,) shortly after came over that worthy gentlman, Mr. John Indecott, who brought over a patent under ye broad seall, for ye govermente of ye Massachusets, who visiting those parts caused yt May-polle to be cutt downe, and rebuked them for their profannes, and admonished them to looke ther should be better walking; so they now, or others, changed ye name of their place againe, and called it Mounte-Dagon.

Now to maintaine this riotous prodigallitie and profuse excess, Morton, thinking him selfe lawless, and hearing what gaine ye French & fisher-men made by trading of peeces, powder, & shotte to ye Indeans, he, as ye head of this consortship, begane ye practise of ye same in these parts; and first he taught them how to use them, to charge, & discharg, and what proportion of powder to give ye peece, according to ye sise or bignes of ye same; and what shotte to use for foule, and what for deare. And having thus instructed them, he imployed some of them to hunte & fowle for him, so as they became farr more active in that imploymente then any of ye English, by reason of ther swiftnes of foote, & nimblnes of body, being also quick-sighted, and by continuall exercise well knowing ye hants of all sorts of game. So as when they saw ye execution that a peece would doe, and ye benefite that might come by ye same, they became madd, as it were, after them, and would not stick to give any prise they could attaine too for them; accounting their bowes & arrowes but bables in comparison of them.

And here I may take occasion to bewaile ye mischefe that this wicked man began in these parts, and which since base covetousnes prevailing in men that should know better, has now at length gott ye upper hand, and made this thing com̅one, notwithstanding any laws to ye contrary; so as ye Indeans are full of peeces all over, both fouling peeces, muskets, pistols, &c. They have also their moulds to make shotte, of all sorts, as muskett bulletts, pistoll bullets, swane & gose shote, & of smaler sorts; yea, some have seen them have their scruplats to make scrupins them selves, when they wante them, with sundery other implements, wherwith they are ordinarily better fited & furnished then ye English them selves. Yea, it is well knowne that they will have powder & shot, when the English want it, nor cannot gett it; and yt in a time of warr or danger, as experience hath manifested, that when lead hath been scarce, and men for their owne defence would gladly have given a groat a l which is dear enoughe, yet hath it bene bought up & sent to other places, and sould to shuch as trade it with ye Indeans, at 12. pence ye li.; and it is like they give 3. or 4.s ye pound, for they will have it at any rate. And these things have been done in ye same times, when some of their neigbours & freinds are daly killed by ye Indeans, or are in deanger therof, and live but at ye Indeans mercie. Yea, some (as they have aquainted them with all other things) have tould them how gunpowder is made, and all ye materialls in it, and that they are to be had in their owne land; and I am confidente, could they attaine to make saltpeter, they would teach them to make powder. O the horiblnes of this vilanie! how many both Dutch & English have been latly slaine by those Indeans, thus furnished; and no remedie provided, nay, ye evill more increased, and ye blood of their brethren sould for gaine, as is to be feared; and in what danger all these colonies are in is too well known. Oh! that princes & parlements would take some timly order to prevente this mischeefe, and at length to suppress it, by some exemplerie punishmente upon some of these gaine thirstie murderers, (for they deserve no better title,) before their collonies in these parts be over throwne by these barbarous savages, thus armed with their owne weapons, by these evill instruments, and traytors to their neigbors and cuntrie. But I have forgott my selfe, and have been to longe in this digression; but now to returne. This Morton having thus taught them ye use of peeces, he sould them all he could spare; and he and his consorts detirmined to send for many out of England, and had by some of ye ships sente for above a score. The which being knowne, and his neigbours meeting ye Indeans in ye woods armed with guns in this sorte, it was a terrour unto them, who lived straglingly, and were of no strenght in any place. And other places (though more remote) saw this mischeefe would quietly spread over all, if not prevented. Besides, they saw they should keep no servants, for Morton would entertaine any, how vile soever, and all ye scume of ye countrie, or any discontents, would flock to him from all places, if this nest was not broken; and they should stand in more fear of their lives & goods (in short time) from this wicked & deboste crue, then from ye salvages them selves.

So sundrie of ye cheefe of ye stragling plantations, meeting togither, agreed by mutuall consente to sollissite those of Plimoth (who were then of more strength then them all) to joyne with them, to prevente ye further grouth of this mischeefe, and suppress Morton & his consortes before yey grewe to further head and strength. Those that joyned in this acction (and after contributed to the charge of sending him for England) were from Pascataway, Namkeake, Winisimett, Weesagascusett, Natasco, and other places wher any English were seated. Those of Plimoth being thus sought too by their messengers & letters, and waying both their reasons, and the com̅one danger, were willing to afford them their help; though them selves had least cause of fear or hurte. So, to be short, they first resolved joyntly to write to him, and in a freindly & neigborly way to admonish him to forbear these courses, & sent a messenger with their letters to bring his answer. But he was so highe as he scorned all advise, and asked who had to doe with him; he had and would trade peeces with ye Indeans in dispite of all, with many other scurillous termes full of disdaine. They sente to him a second time, and bad him be better advised, and more temperate in his termes, for ye countrie could not beare ye injure he did; it was against their comone saftie, and against ye king's proclamation. He answerd in high terms as before, and that ye kings proclamation was no law; demanding what penaltie was upon it. It was answered, more then he could bear, his majesties displeasure. But insolently he persisted, and said ye king was dead and his displeasure with him, & many ye like things; and threatened withall that if any came to molest him, let them looke to them selves, for he would prepare for them. Upon which they saw ther was no way but to take him by force; and having so farr proceeded, now to give over would make him farr more hautie & insolente. So they mutually resolved to proceed, and obtained of ye Govr of Plimoth to send Captaine Standish, & some other aide with him, to take Morton by force. The which accordingly was done; but they found him to stand stifly in his defence, having made fast his dors, armed his consorts, set diverse dishes of powder & bullets ready on ye table; and if they had not been over armed with drinke, more hurt might have been done. They som̅aned him to yeeld, but he kept his house, and they could gett nothing but scofes & scorns from him; but at length, fearing they would doe some violence to ye house, he and some of his crue came out, but not to yeeld, but to shoote; but they were so steeld with drinke as their peeces were to heavie for them; him selfe with a carbine (over charged & allmost halfe fild with powder & shote, as was after found) had thought to have shot Captaine Standish; but he stept to him, & put by his peece, & tooke him. Neither was ther any hurte done to any of either side, save yt one was so drunke yt he rane his owne nose upon ye pointe of a sword yt one held before him as he entred ye house; but he lost but a litle of his hott blood. Morton they brought away to Plimoth, wher he was kepte, till a ship went from ye Ile of Shols for England, with which he was sente to ye Counsell of New-England; and letters writen to give them information of his course & cariage; and also one was sent at their com̅one charge to informe their Hors more perticulerly, & to prosecute against him. But he foold of ye messenger, after he was gone from hence, and though he wente for England, yet nothing was done to him, not so much as rebukte, for ought was heard; but returned ye nexte year. Some of ye worst of ye company were disperst, and some of ye more modest kepte ye house till he should be heard from. But I have been too long aboute so un-worthy a person, and bad a cause.

This year Mr. Allerton brought over a yonge man for a minister to ye people hear, wheather upon his owne head, or at ye motion of some freinds ther, I well know not, but it was without ye churches sending; for they had bene so bitten by Mr. Lyford, as they desired to know ye person well whom they should invite amongst them. His name was Mr. Rogers; but they perceived, upon some triall, that he was crased in his braine; so they were faine to be at further charge to send him back againe ye nexte year, and loose all ye charge that was expended in his hither bringing, which was not smalle by Mr. Allerton's accounte, in provissions, aparell, bedding, &c. After his returne he grue quite distracted, and Mr. Allerton was much blamed yt he would bring such a man over, they having charge enough otherwise.

Mr. Allerton, in ye years before, had brought over some small quantie of goods, upon his owne perticuler, and sould them for his owne private benefite; which was more then any man had yet hithertoo attempted. But because he had other wise done them good service, and also he sould them among ye people at ye plantation, by which their wants were supplied, and he aledged it was the love of Mr. Sherley and some other freinds that would needs trust him with some goods, conceiveing it might doe him some good, and none hurte, it was not much lookt at, but past over. But this year he brought over a greater quantitie, and they were so intermixte with ye goods of ye generall, as they knew not which were theirs, & wch was his, being pact up together; so as they well saw that, if any casualty had beefalne at sea, he might have laid ye whole on them, if he would; for ther was no distinction. Allso what was most vendible, and would yeeld presente pay, usualy that was his; and he now begane allso to sell abroad to others of forine places, which, considering their com̅one course, they began to dislike. Yet because love thinkes no evill, nor is susspitious, they tooke his faire words for excuse, and resolved to send him againe this year for England; considering how well he had done ye former bussines, and what good acceptation he had with their freinds ther; as also seeing sundry of their freinds from Leyden were sente for, which would or might be much furthered by his means. Againe, seeing the patente for Kenebeck must be inlarged, by reason of ye former mistaks in the bounding of it, and it was conceived, in a maner, ye same charge would serve to inlarge this at home with it, and he that had begane ye former ye last year would be ye fittest to effecte this; so they gave him instructions and sente him for England this year againe. And in his instructions bound him to bring over no goods on their accounte, but 50li. in hose & shoes, and some linen cloth, (as yey were bound by covenante when they tooke ye trad;) also some trading goods to such a value; and in no case to exseed his instructions, nor run̅e them into any further charge; he well knowing how their state stood. Also yt he should so provide yt their trading goods came over betimes, and what so ever was sent on their accounte should be pact up by it selfe, marked with their marke, and no other goods to be mixed with theirs. For so he prayed them to give him such instructions as they saw good, and he would folow them, to prevente any jellocie or farther offence, upon the former forementioned dislikes. And thus they conceived they had well provided for all things.

Anno Dom: 1629.

Mr. Allerton safly arriving in England, and delivering his leters to their freinds their, and aquainting them with his instructions, found good acceptation with them, and they were very forward & willing to joyne with them in ye partnership of trade, & in ye charge to send over ye Leyden people; a company wherof were allready come out of Holand, and prepared to come over, and so were sent away before Mr. Allerton could be ready to come. They had passage with ye ships that came to Salem, that brought over many godly persons to begine ye plantations & churches of Christ ther, & in ye Bay of Massachussets; so their long stay & keeping back was recompensed by ye Lord to ther freinds here with a duble blessing, in that they not only injoyed them now beyond ther late expectation, (when all their hops seemed to be cutt of,) but, with them, many more godly freinds & Christian breethren, as ye begining of a larger harvest unto ye Lord, in ye increase of his churches & people in these parts, to ye admiration of many, and allmost wonder of ye world; that of so small beginings so great things should insue, as time after manifested; and that here should be a resting place for so many of ye Lords people, when so sharp a scourge came upon their owne nation. But it was ye Lords doing, & it ought to be marvellous in our eyes.

But I shall hear inserte some of their freinds letters, which doe best expresse their owne minds in these thir proceedings.

A leter of Mr. Sherleys to ye Govr.

May 25, 1629.

Sr: &c. Here are now many of your and our freinds from Leyden coming over, who, though for ye most parte be but a weak company, yet herein is a good parte of that end obtained which was aimed at, and which hath been so strongly opposed by some of our former adventurers. But God hath his working in these things, which man cannot frustrate. With them we have allso sent some servants in ye ship called the Talbut, that wente hence latly; but these come in ye May-flower. Mr. Beachamp & my selfe, with Mr. Andrews & Mr. Hatherly, are, with your love and liking, joyned partners with you, &c.

Your deputation we have received, and ye goods have been taken up & sould by your friend & agente, Mr. Allerton, my selfe having bine nere 3. months in Holland, at Amsterdam & other parts in ye Low-Countries. I see further the agreemente you have made with ye generallitie, in which I cannot understand but you have done very well, both for them & you, and also for your freinds at Leyden. Mr. Beachamp, Mr. Andrews, Mr. Hatherley, & my selfe, doe so like and approve of it, as we are willing to joyne with you, and, God directing and inabling us, will be assisting and helpfull to you, ye best yt possiblie we can. Nay, had you not taken this course, I doe not see how you should accomplish ye end you first aimed at, and some others indevored these years past. We know it must keep us from ye profite, which otherwise by ye blessing of God and your indeaours, might be gained; for most of those that came in May, & these now sente, though I hope honest & good people, yet not like to be helpfull to raise profite, but rather, ney, certaine must, some while, be chargable to you & us; at which it is lickly, had not this wise & discreete course been taken, many of your generalitie would have grudged. Againe, you say well in your letter, and I make no doubte but you will performe it, that now being but a few, on whom ye burthen must be, you will both menage it ye beter, and sett too it more cherfully, haveing no discontente nor contradiction, but so lovingly to joyne togeither, in affection and counsell, as God no doubte will blesse and prosper your honest labours & indeavors. And therfore in all respects I doe not see but you have done marvelously discreetly, & advisedly, and no doubt but it gives all parties good contente; I mean yt are reasonable & honest men, such as make conscience of giving ye best satisfaction they be able for their debts, and yt regard not their owne perticuler so much as ye accomplishing of yt good end for which this bussines was first intended, &c. Thus desiring ye Lord to blese & prosper you, & all yours, and all our honest endeavors, I rest

Your unfained & ever loving friend,

James Sherley.

Lon: March 8. 1629.

That I may handle things together, I have put these 2. companies that came from Leyden in this place; though they came at 2. severall times, yet they both came out of England this year. The former company, being 35. persons, were shiped in May, and arived here aboute August. The later were shiped in ye begining of March, and arived hear ye later end of May, 1630. Mr. Sherleys 2. letters, ye effect wherof I have before related, (as much of them as is pertinente,) mentions both. Their charge, as Mr. Allerton brought it in afterwards on accounte, came to above 550li. besids ther fetching hither from Salem & ye Bay, wher they and their goods were landed; viz. their transportation from Holland to England, & their charges lying ther, and passages hither, with clothing provided for them. For I find by accounte for ye one company, 125. yeards of karsey, 127. ellons of linen cloath, shoes, 66. p̲r, with many other perticulers. The charge of ye other company is reckoned on ye severall families, some 50li., some 40li., some 30li., and so more or less, as their number & expencess were. And besids all this charg, their freinds & bretheren here were to provid corne & other provissions for them, till they could reap a crope which was long before. Those that came in May were thus maintained upward of 16. or 18. months, before they had any harvest of their owne, & ye other by proportion. And all they could doe in ye mean time was to gett them some housing, and prepare them grounds to plant on, against the season. And this charg of maintaining them all this while was litle less then ye former sume. These things I note more perticulerly, for sundry regards. First, to shew a rare example herein of brotherly love, and Christian care in performing their promises and covenants to their bretheren, too, & in a sorte beyonde their power; that they should venture so desperatly to ingage them selves to accomplish this thing, and bear it so cheerfully; for they never demanded, much less had, any repaymente of all these great sumes thus disbursed. 2ly. It must needs be that ther was more then of man in these acheevements, that should thus readily stire up ye harts of shuch able frinds to joyne in partnership with them in shuch a case, and cleave so faithfullie to them as these did, in so great adventures; and the more because the most of them never saw their faces to this day; ther being neither kindred, aliance, or other acquaintance or relations betweene any of them, then hath been before mentioned; it must needs be therfore the spetiall worke and hand of God. 3ly. That these poore people here in a wilderness should, notwithstanding, be inabled in time to repay all these ingagments, and many more unjustly brought upon them through the unfaithfullnes of some, and many other great losses which they sustained, which will be made manifest, if ye Lord be pleased to give life and time. In ye mean time, I cannot but admire his ways and workes towards his servants, and humbly desire to blesse his holy name for his great mercies hithertoo.

The Leyden people being thus come over, and sundry of ye generalitie seeing & hearing how great ye charg was like to be that was that way to be expended, they begane to murmure and repine at it, notwithstanding ye burden lay on other mens shoulders; espetially at ye paying of ye 3. bushells of corne a year, according to ye former agreemente, when ye trad was lett for ye 6. years aforesaid. But to give them contente herein allso, it was promised them, that if they could doe it in ye time without it, they would never demand it of them; which gave them good contente. And indeed it never was paid, as will appeare by ye sequell.

Concerning Mr. Allertons proceedings about ye inlarging & confirming of their patent, both yt at home & Kenebeck, will best appere by another leter of Mr. Sherleys; for though much time & money was expended aboute it, yet he left it unaccomplisht this year, and came without it. See Mr. Sherleys letter.

Most worthy & loving freinds, &c.

Some of your letters I received in July, & some since by Mr. Peirce, but till our maine bussines, ye patent, was granted, I could not setle my mind nor pen to writing. Mr. Allerton was so turrmoyled about it, as verily I would not nor could not have undergone it, if I might have had a thousand pounds; but ye Lord so blessed his labours (even beyond expectation in these evill days) as he obtained ye love & favore of great men in repute & place. He got granted from ye Earle of Warwick & Sr. Ferdinando Gorge all that Mr. Winslow desired in his letters to me, & more also, which I leave to him to relate. Then he sued to ye king to confirme their grante, and to make you a corporation, and so to inable you to make & execute lawes, in such large & ample maner as ye Massachusett plantation hath it; which ye king graciously granted, referring it to ye Lord Keeper to give order to ye solisiter to draw it up, if ther were a presidente for it. So ye Lord Keeper furthered it all he could, and allso ye solissiter; but as Festus said to Paule, With no small sume of money obtained I this freedom; for by ye way many ridells must be resolved, and many locks must be opened with ye silver, ney, ye golden key. Then it was to come to ye Lord Treasurer, to have his warrente for freeing ye custume for a certaine time; but be would not doe it, but refferd it to ye Counsell table. And ther Mr. Allerton atended day by day, when they sate, but could not gett his petition read. And by reason of Mr. Peirce his staying with all ye passengers at Bristoll, he was forct to leave ye further prosecuting of it to a solissiter. But ther is no fear nor doubte but it will be granted, for he hath ye cheefe of them to freind; yet it will be marvelously needfull for him to returne by ye first ship yt comes from thence; for if you had this confirmed, then were you compleate, and might bear such sway & goverment as were fitt for your ranke & place yt God hath called you unto; and stope ye moueths of base and scurrulous fellowes, yt are ready to question & threaten you in every action you doe. And besids, if you have ye custome free for 7. years inward, & 21. outward, ye charge of ye patent will be soone recovered, and ther is no fear of obtaining it. But such things must work by degrees; men cannot hasten it as they would; werefore we (I write in behalfe of all our partners here) desire you to be ernest with Mr. Allerton to come, and his wife to spare him this one year more, to finish this great & waighty bussines, which we conceive will be much for your good, & I hope for your posteritie, and for many generations to come.

Thus much of this letter. It was dated ye 19. March, 1629.

By which it appears what progress was made herein, & in part what charge it was, and how left unfinished, and some reason of ye same; but in truth (as was afterwards appehended) the meaine reason was Mr. Allerton's policie, to have an opportunitie to be sent over againe, for other regards; and for that end procured them thus to write. For it might then well enough have been finshed, if not with yt clause aboute ye custumes, which was Mr. Allertons & Mr. Sherleys device, and not at all thought on by ye colony here, nor much regarded, yet it might have been done without it, without all queston, having passed ye kings hand; nay it was conceived it might then have beene done with it, if he had pleased; but covetousnes never brings ought home, as ye proverb is, for this oppertunytie being lost, it was never accomplished, but a great deale of money veainly & lavishly cast away aboute it, as doth appear upon their accounts. But of this more in its place.

Mr. Alerton gave them great and just ofence in this (which I had omited and almost forgotten),—in bringing over this year, for base gaine, that unworthy man, and instrumente of mischeefe, Morton, who was sent home but ye year before for his misdemenors. He not only brought him over, but to ye towne (as it were to nose them), and lodged him at his owne house, and for a while used him as a scribe to doe his bussines, till he was caused to pack him away. So he wente to his old nest in ye Massachusets, wher it was not long but by his miscariage he gave them just occation to lay hands on him; and he was by them againe sent prisoner into England, wher he lay a good while in Exeter Jeole. For besids his miscariage here, he was vemently suspected for ye murder of a man that had adventured moneys with him, when he came first into New-England. And a warrente was sente from ye Lord Cheefe Justice to apprehend him, by vertue wherof he was by the Govr of ye Massachusets sent into England; and for other his misdemenors amongst them, they demolisht his house, that it might be no longer a roost for shuch unclaine birds to nestle in. Yet he got free againe, and write an infamouse & scurillous booke against many godly & cheefe men of ye cuntrie; full of lyes & slanders, and fraight with profane callumnies against their names and persons, and ye ways of God. After sundry years, when ye warrs were hott in England, he came againe into ye cuntrie, and was imprisoned at Boston for this booke and other things, being grown old in wickednes.

Concerning ye rest of Mr. Allertons instructions, in which they strictly injoyned him not to exceed above yt 50li. in ye goods before mentioned, not to bring any but trading com̅odities, he followed them not at all, but did the quite contrarie; bringing over many other sorts of retaile goods, selling what he could by the way on his owne accounte, and delivering the rest, which he said to be theirs, into ye store; and for trading goods brought but litle in comparison; excusing the matter, they had laid out much about ye Laiden people, & patent, &c. And for other goods, they had much of them of ther owne dealings, without present disbursemente, & to like effect. And as for passing his bounds & instructions, he laid it on Mr. Sherley, &c., who, he said, they might see his mind in his leters; also that they had sett out Ashley at great charg; but next year they should have what trading goods they would send for, if things were now well setled, &c. And thus were they put off; indeed Mr. Sherley write things tending this way, but it is like he was overruled by Mr. Allerton, and harkened more to him then to their letters from hence.

Thus he further writs in ye former leter.

I see what you write in your leters concerning ye over-com̅ing & paying of our debts, which I confess are great, and had need be carfully looked unto; yet no doubt but we, joyning in love, may soone over-come them; but we must follow it roundly & to purposs, for if we pedle out ye time of our trad, others will step in and nose us. But we know yt you have yt aquaintance & experience in ye countrie, as none have the like; wherfore, freinds & partners, be no way discouraged with ye greatnes of ye debt, &c., but let us not fulfill ye proverbe, to bestow 12d. on a purse, and put 6d. in it; but as you and we have been at great charg, and undergone much for setling you ther, and to gaine experience, so as God shall enable us, let us make use of it. And think not with 50li. pound a yeare sent you over, to rayse shuch means as to pay our debts. We see a possibillitie of good if you be well supplied, and fully furnished; and cheefly if you lovingly agree. I know I write to godly and wise men, such as have lerned to bear one an others infirmities, and rejoyce at any ones prosperities; and if I were able I would press this more, because it is hoped by some of your enimies, that you will fall out one with another, and so over throw your hopfull bussines. Nay, I have heard it crediblie reported, yt some have said, that till you be disjoynted by discontents & factions amongst your sellves, it bootes not any to goe over, in hope of getting or doing good in those parts. But we hope beter things of you, and that you will not only bear one with another, but banish such thoughts, and not suffer them to lodg in your brests. God grant you may disappointe ye hopes of your foes, and procure ye hartie desire of your selves & freinds in this perticuler.

By this it appears that ther was a kind of concurrance betweene Mr. Allerton and them in these things, and that they gave more regard to his way & course in these things, then to ye advise from hence; which made him bould to presume above his instructions, and to rune on in ye course he did, to their greater hurt afterwards, as will appear. These things did much trouble them hear, but they well knew not how to help it, being loath to make any breach or contention hear aboute; being so premonished as before in ye leter above recited. An other more secrete cause was herewith concurrente; Mr. Allerton had maried ye daughter of their Reverend Elder, Mr. Brewster (a man beloved & honoured amongst them, and who tooke great paines in teaching & dispenceing ye word of God unto them), whom they were loath to greeve or any way offend, so as they bore with much in that respecte. And with all Mr. Allerton carried so faire with him, and procured such leters from Mr. Sherley to him, with shuch applause of Mr. Allertons wisdom, care, and faithfullnes, in ye bussines; and as things stood none were so fitte to send aboute them as he; and if any should suggest other wise, it was rather out of envie, or some other sinister respecte then other wise. Besids, though private gaine, I doe perswade my selfe, was some cause to lead Mr. Allerton aside in these beginings, yet I thinke, or at least charitie caries me to hope, that he intended to deale faithfully with them in ye maine, and had such an opinion of his owne abillitie, and some experience of ye benefite that he had made in this singuler way, as he conceived he might both raise him selfe an estate, and allso be a means to bring in such profite to Mr. Sherley, (and it may be ye rest,) as might be as lickly to bring in their moneys againe with advantage, and it may be sooner then from the generall way; or at least it was looked upon by some of them to be a good help ther unto; and that neither he nor any other did intend to charge ye generall accounte with any thing that rane in perticuler; or yt Mr. Sherley or any other did purposs but yt ye generall should be first & fully supplyed. I say charitie makes me thus conceive; though things fell out other wise, and they missed of their aimes, and ye generall suffered abundantly hereby, as will afterwards apear.

Togeither herewith sorted an other bussines contrived by Mr. Allerton and them ther, wthout any knowledg of ye partners, and so farr proceeded in as they were constrained to allow therof, and joyne in ye same, though they had no great liking of it, but feared what might be ye evente of ye same. I shall relate it in a further part of Mr. Sherley's leter as foloweth.

I am to aquainte you that we have thought good to joyne with one Edward Ashley (a man I thinke yt some of you know); but it is only of yt place wherof he hath a patente in Mr. Beachamps name; and to that end have furnished him with larg provissions, &c. Now if you please to be partners with us in this, we are willing you shall; for after we heard how forward Bristoll men (and as I hear some able men of his owne kindrid) have been to stock & supply him, hoping of profite, we thought it fitter for us to lay hould of such an opportunitie, and to keep a kind of run̅ing plantation, then others who have not borne ye burthen of setling a plantation, as we have done. And he, on ye other side, like an understanding yonge man, thought it better to joyne with those yt had means by a plantation to supply & back him ther, rather then strangers, that looke but only after profite. Now it is not knowne that you are partners with him; but only we 4., Mr. Andrews, Mr. Beachamp, my selfe, & Mr. Hatherley, who desired to have ye patente, in consideration of our great loss we have allready sustained in setling ye first plantation ther; so we agreed togeather to take it in our names. And now, as I said before, if you please to joyne with us, we are willing you should. Mr. Allerton had no power from you to make this new contracte, neither was he willing to doe any thing therin without your consente & approbation. Mr. William Peirce is joyned with us in this, for we thought it very conveniente, because of landing Ashley and his goods ther, if God please; and he will bend his course accordingly. He hath a new boate with him, and boards to make another, with 4. or 5. lustie fellowes, wherof one is a carpenter. Now in case you are not willing in this perticuler to joyne with us, fearing ye charge & doubting ye success, yet thus much we intreate of you, to afford him all the help you can, either by men, commodities, or boats; yet not but yt we will pay you for any thing he hath. And we desire you to keep ye accounts apart, though you joyne with us; becase ther is, as you see, other partners in this then ye other; so, for all mens wages, boats-hire, or comodities, which we shall have of you, make him debtore for it; and what you shall have of him, make ye plantation or your selves debtore for it to him, and so ther will need no mingling of ye accounts.