Part VI. The Inscriptions of Pompeii

Chapter LVI. Importance of the Inscriptions.—Monumental Inscriptions and Public Notices

The inscriptions discovered at Pompeii number more than six thousand. They cover a wide field, ranging from commemorative tablets put up at public expense to the scribblings of idlers upon the plastered walls. It would be an exaggeration to say that they contribute to our knowledge of antiquity much that is new; their value lies rather in the insight which they give into the life of the city and its people.

In one respect the evidence derived from inscriptions, though often of the most fragmentary character, is especially satisfactory. We feel that we are handling original documents, without the intervention of that succession of copyists which stands between the author of a Greek or Roman masterpiece and the modern reader. The shapes of the letters and the spelling are just as they were left by the stonecutter or the scribbler; the various handwritings can still be as plainly distinguished on the charred tablets of Caecilius Jucundus as though the signatures were witnessed only yesterday. Through the inscriptions we are brought into contact with the personality of the Pompeians as in no other way.

The inscriptions may be classified either according to the subject matter or according to the form in which they appear, whether cut in stone, or painted, or scratched upon a smooth surface with a stylus. No detailed classification need be given here; it will be sufficient for our purposes to discuss the main divisions briefly under four heads,—monumental inscriptions and public notices, graffiti, and inscriptions relating to business affairs.

Monumental inscriptions include those which are cut in hard material and are intended to be read by all who see them. They are found at Pompeii chiefly in or upon public buildings, on pedestals of statues and on sepulchral monuments. They are characterized by extreme brevity. A few are in the Oscan language, the rest are in Latin. The more important examples have been presented in the preceding pages in connection with the monuments to which they belong. A list of them is given in the Index under "Inscriptions."

The public notices are painted upon the walls along the sides of the streets, ordinarily in a bright red color; a few are in black. The most important are the election notices, in which a candidate is recommended for a public office. These are about sixteen hundred in number, and the names of more than a hundred different candidates appear in them.

The election notices fall into two classes, distinguished both by the style of writing and by the manner of expression,—earlier, from the time of the Republic, and later, belonging to the Imperial period. The shapes of the letters in those of the former class are irregular, and bear the mark of an unpractised hand. The later notices, on the contrary, have a more finished appearance; they are executed in a kind of calligraphic style that suggests the employment of skilled clerks who made the painting of electoral recommendations a part of their business. We have already met with the name of one painter of notices who signed his work, Aemilius Celer (p. 223). His house has been discovered, near the northeast corner of the ninth Region; it was identified by means of an inscription painted on the outside: Aemilius Celer hic habitat,—'Aemilius Celer lives here.'

The language of the earlier recommendations is of the simplest. We find the name of the candidate with no suggestion of praise excepting occasionally the letters v. b., for virum bonum, 'good man.' The name of the office is given in an abbreviated form, but that of the person who makes the recommendation nowhere appears. In one example the elements of the common formula o. v. f., for oro vos, facite, are given almost in full: M. Marium aed. faci., oro vos,—'Make Marcus Marius aedile, I beg of you.' The following notice appears on Stabian Street in letters nearly 8 inches high: P · FVR · II · V · \B · O · \F, that is Publium Furium duumvirum, virum bonum, oro vos, facite,—'Make Publius Furius duumvir, I beg of you; he's a good man.'

Some of the later election notices are almost equally brief, presenting merely the name of the candidate, the office for which he is recommended, and the formula o. v. f., as in this instance: Herennium Celsum aed[ilem] o. v. f.,—'Make Herennius Celsus aedile, I beg of you.' Occasionally even the formula is omitted, and we have simply the name of the candidate and of the office, both invariably in the accusative case, as Casellium aed., which appears in several places, and M. Holconium Priscum II. vir. i. d.

More frequently the recommendation includes a reference to the good qualities of the candidate. Sometimes he is simply styled 'a good man,' as in the earlier notices; but the most common formula in this connection is d. r. p., for dignum re publica, 'worthy of public office.' In some instances the characterization is more definite. More than one candidate is affirmed to be 'an upright young man' (iuvenem probum), or 'a youth of singular modesty' (verecundissimum iuvenem). In regard to one aspirant for office we are informed that 'he will be the watch-dog of the treasury'—hic aerarium conservabit.

The names of those who make the recommendations often appear in the later notices. Now and then individuals assume the responsibility, as Vesonius Primus (p. 396), and Acceptus and Euhodia (p. 341), who were undoubtedly owners of the property on which the notices appear. Thus the candidate's neighbors are sometimes represented as favoring his election, as in the case of Claudius Verus: Ti. Claudium Verum II. vir. vicini rogant,—'His neighbors request the election of Tiberius Claudius Verus as duumvir.' Electoral recommendations are painted on all sides of the house of Verus—the extensive establishment in the ninth Region known as the house of the Centenary.

The class of election notices in which we find the members of a craft united in the support of a candidate has been sufficiently illustrated in another connection (p. 384). To these we may add a recommendation found on a wall facing the temple of Isis: Cn. Helvium Sabinum aed. Isiaci universi rog[ant],—'The worshippers of Isis, as a body, request the election of Gnaeus Helvius Sabinus as aedile.' A suburb also might have a candidate, as in the following instance: M. Epidium Sabinum aed. Campanienses rog.,—'The inhabitants of the Pagus Campanus ask for the election of Marcus Epidius Sabinus as aedile.'

Sometimes all those who are engaged in an occupation are urged to support a candidate. 'Innkeepers, make Sallustius Capito aedile,' we read in one notice. In others, various classes of citizens having a common bond, as the ballplayers, and the dealers in perfumes, are exhorted to work for the election of a candidate presumably favorable to their interests. In one instance there is a direct appeal to an individual, involving a pledge of future support: Sabinum aed[ilem], Procule, fac, et ille te faciet,—'Proculus, make Sabinus aedile, and he will do as much for you.'

In view of the deep interest in the municipal elections, revealed by these notices, it is not surprising to find that the support of a candidate by a man of unusual prominence was extensively advertised. In three different parts of the city the attention of voters was directed to the fact that Suedius Clemens, the commissioner sent by Vespasian to decide the ownership of certain plots of ground (p. 407), favored the election of Epidius Sabinus as duumvir. One of the notices reads: M. Epidium Sabinum II. vir. iur. dic. o. v. f., dignum iuvenem, Suedius Clemens sanctissimus iudex facit vicinis rogantibus,—'At the request of the neighbors, Suedius Clemens, most upright judge, is working for the election of Marcus Epidius Sabinus, a worthy young man, as duumvir with judiciary authority. He begs of you to elect this candidate.'

So public a method of pressing a candidacy put a formidable weapon into the hands of the candidate's enemies, and the form of a recommendation was sometimes used against an office seeker with telling effect. Vatiam aed. furunculi rog.,—'The sneak thieves request the election of Vatia as aedile,' we find conspicuously painted on a wall on Augustales Street. According to other notices near by, 'The whole company of late drinkers' (seribibi universi) and 'all the people who are asleep' (dormientes universi) favored the candidacy of the same unhappy Vatia. The last notice which we shall present in this connection may have been painted on the order of the girl who appears in it: Claudium II. vir. animula facit,—'His little sweetheart is working for the election of Claudius as duumvir.' The reference is probably to the Tiberius Claudius Verus mentioned above.

The other kinds of public notices are represented by relatively few examples. Of special interest are the announcements of gladiatorial combats, which were discussed in a previous chapter (p. 221). Next in importance are perhaps the advertisements of buildings to rent. One of these, relating to the Elephant Inn, has already been mentioned (p. 400). We present here two others, which have to do with large properties. The first, which has now disappeared, was painted on a wall in the sixth Region, at the south end of the third Insula. It reads as follows:—

INSULA ARRIANA
POLLIANA CN. ALLEI NIGIDI MAI
LOCANTUR EX K[alendis] IULIS PRIMIS TABERNAE
CUM PERGULIS SUIS ET CENACULA
EQUESTRIA ET DOMUS. CONDUCTOR
CONVENITO PRIMUM, CN. ALLEI
NIGIDI MAI SER[vum].

'To rent, from the first day of next July, shops with the floors over them, fine upper chambers, and a house, in the Arrius Pollio block owned by Gnaeus Alleius Nigidius Maius. Prospective lessees may apply to Primus, slave of Gnaeus Alleius Nigidius Maius.'

The word equestria, translated 'fine,' is used colloquially with cenacula, in the sense 'fit for a knight.' The Insula named after Arrius Pollio was thought by Fiorelli to be the so-called house of Pansa, across the street from the block on which the advertisement was found. The identification may be correct, but a notice painted in so prominent a place might refer to a block in any part of the city.

The following inscription was found in the last century near the Amphitheatre, on a wall of the extensive establishment named from it the villa of Julia Felix:—

IN PRAEDIS IULIAE SP. F. FELICIS
LOCANTUR
BALNEUM VENERIUM ET NONGENTUM, TABERNAE, PERGULAE,
CENÁCULA EX IDIBUS AUG. PRIMIS IN IDUS AUG. SEXTÁS, ANNÓS
CONTINUOS QUINQUE S. Q. D. L. E. N. C.

'To let, for the space of five years, from the thirteenth day of next August to the thirteenth day of the sixth August thereafter, the Venus bath, fitted up for the best people, shops, rooms over shops, and second story apartments in the property owned by Julia Felix, daughter of Spurius.'

The bath may have received its name from Venus Pompeiana. The word nongentum is difficult to understand. The interpretation given is based upon a passage of Pliny the Elder, from which we understand that in colloquial language the knights were known as 'the nine hundred.' A bath 'of the nine hundred' would then be one designed to attract the patronage of the best people. The seven letters at the end of the inscription have not yet been satisfactorily explained.

Advertisements of articles lost or found are also met with. A notice in regard to a stray horse, painted on one of the tombs east of the Amphitheatre, is given on p. 436. On the east side of Insula VIII. v.-vi. we read:—

VRNA AENIA PEREIT · DE · TABERNA
SEIQVIS · RETTVLERIT DABVNTVR
HS LXV · SEI · FVREM
DABIT · VND ...

'A copper pot has been taken from this shop. Whoever brings it back will receive 65 sesterces. If any one shall hand over the thief' ... (the rest of the inscription is illegible).

Chapter LVII. The Graffiti

The graffiti form the largest division of the Pompeian inscriptions, comprising about three thousand examples, or one half of the entire number; the name is Italian, being derived from a verb meaning 'to scratch.' Writing upon walls was a prevalent habit in antiquity, as shown by the remains of graffiti at Rome and other places besides Pompeii, a habit which may be accounted for in part by the use of the sharp-pointed stylus with wax tablets; the temptation to use such an instrument upon the polished stucco was much greater than in the case of pens and lead pencils upon the less carefully finished wall surfaces of our time. Pillars or sections of wall are covered with scratches of all kinds,—names, catchwords of favorite lines from the poets, amatory couplets, and rough sketches, such as a ship, or the profile of a face. The skit, occasionally found on walls to-day,

'Fools' names, like their faces,

Are always seen in public places,'

has its counterpart in the couplet preserved as a graffito both at Pompeii and at Rome: Admiror, paries, te non cecidisse ruinis, Qui tot scriptorum taedia sustineas,—

'Truly 'tis wonderful, Wall, that you have not fallen in ruins,

Forced without murmur to bear the taint of so many hands.'

Of a similar vein is a Greek line scratched upon a wall on the Palatine hill in Rome: 'Many persons have here written many things; I alone refrained from writing.'

Taken as a whole, the graffiti are less fertile for our knowledge of Pompeian life than might have been expected. The people with whom we should most eagerly desire to come into direct contact, the cultivated men and women of the ancient city, were not accustomed to scratch their names upon stucco or to confide their reflections and experiences to the surface of a wall. Some of the graffiti, to judge from the height at which we find them above the floor, were undoubtedly made by the hands of boys and girls; for the rest, we may assume that the writers were as little representative of the best elements of society as are the tourists who scratch or carve their names upon ancient monuments to-day. Nevertheless, we gain from these scribblings a lively idea of individual tastes, passions, and experiences.

A few graffiti have reference to events, as the siege of Sulla, in 89 B.C. (p. 240). The most interesting historical examples are those which relate to the conflict between the Pompeians and the Nucerians, in the year 59 A.D. (p. 220). An ardent Pompeian wrote: Nucerinis infelicia,—'Down with the Nucerians!' From a scribbling by a partisan of the other side it appears that the inhabitants of Puteoli sympathized with the Nucerians, while those of Pithecusae—the island of Ischia—favored the Pompeians: Puteolanis feliciter, omnibus Nucherinis felicia, et uncu[m] Pompeianis [et] Pitecusanis,—'Hurrah for the Puteolaneans, good luck to all Nucerians; a hook for the Pompeians and Pithecusans.' The hook referred to in this connection was that used by executioners and the attendants of the Amphitheatre in dragging off the dead. Another Pompeian wrote: Campani, victoria una cum Nucerinis peristis,—'Campanians, you were conquered by the same victory with the Nucerians.' The Campani were not the inhabitants of Campania, but of the suburb called Pagus Campanus.

Two inscriptions, attesting the presence of members of the Praetorian Guard in Pompeii, have been previously mentioned (pp. 387, ). Another praetorian left his name in a house of the eighth Region (VIII. iii. 21): Sex. Decimius Rufus milis coh[ortis] V pr[aetorianae] Ↄ Martialis,—'Sextus Decimius Rufus, a soldier of the fifth praetorian cohort, of the century led by Martialis.' To the same division of the army probably belonged a centurion of the first rank, Q. Spurennius Priscus, whose name was found in a house of the first Region (I. iii. 3). The first, fifth, and ninth praetorian cohorts, mentioned in the graffiti, may have come to Pompeii with different emperors, or on different occasions with the same emperor; it is unlikely that the three were united to form a single escort.

Graffiti are sometimes useful for the identification of buildings; so in the case of the Basilica and of several inns. The dated examples throw some light on the age of the stucco on which they are found. They are for the most part late, and afford little help in determining the time of commencement of the various decorative styles; but in several cases they indicate a later limit clearly. In this way we learn that the decoration of the Basilica, in the first style, was finished before October 3, 78 B.C.—how long before we cannot tell; and that in 37 B.C. the plastering of the Small Theatre was already on the walls, decorated in the second style. The gladiatorial graffito in the house of the Centenary (p. 226) proves that the decoration of the room in which it is found—a late example of the second style—was finished before November, A.D. 15. A dated inscription of the reign of Nero is given in the chapter on the house of the Silver Wedding (p. 305).

Several hundred graffiti present merely the name of the scribbler, sometimes with the addition hic fuit,—'was here,' or simply hic; as, Paris hic fuit, Sabinus hic.

A large number contain a greeting, perhaps in some cases intended for the eye of the person mentioned, as Aemilius Fortunato fratri salutem,—'Aemilius greets his brother Fortunatus.' In this as in other examples it is interesting to note that one brother is designated by the gens name, the other by the cognomen. Sometimes the greeting is the reverse of cordial, as in this instance: Samius Cornelio, suspendere,—'Samius to Cornelius: go hang yourself.' Hardly less naïve is the message to a friend who has died: Pyrrhus Chio conlegae sal[utem]: moleste fero, quod audivi te mortuom; itaq[ue] vale,—'Pyrrhus to his chum Chius: I'm sorry to hear that you are dead; and so, Good-by.'

The most prominent theme of the graffiti is love, which is constantly reappearing, in prose scribblings and in snatches of verse. The verse form is usually the elegiac distich. Some of the lines are taken from the poets; others were made up for the occasion, and not a few verses were finished in prose, as if the would-be versifier found original composition more difficult than he had anticipated.

Several distichs extol the power of love, as the following, which, taken from some unknown poet, is found in several places: Quisquis amat, valeat, pereat qui nescit amare; Bis tanto pereat quisquis amare vetat:—

'Good health be with you, lovers all;

Who knows not how to love, be cursed;

But oh may double ruin fall

On him who sets out love to worst!'

A similar thought finds expression in a single line, perhaps also a quotation: Nemo est bellus nisi qui amavit mulierem,—'He who has never been in love can be no gentleman.'

Not all the Pompeians, however, viewed the matter so seriously. To the first line of the couplet just quoted a scribbler of a cynical turn in one instance joined a parody, to the effect that those who are in love may well avoid the use of hot baths, on the principle that 'the burnt child dreads the fire,'—Nam nemo flammas ustus amare potest.

The uselessness of interference with the course of love is also made prominent. In this distich, apparently from some poet, the scribbler seems to have made a slight change to meet a specific case, substituting obiurgat for custodit or some similar word: Alliget hic auras, si quis obiurgat amantes, Et vetat assiduas currere fontis aquas,—

'Whoever has a mind

To hinder lovers' way,

Let him go zephyrs bind

Or running waters stay.'

Ancient lovers nevertheless had their fears, and the following couplet, which is no doubt borrowed from a poet, appears also, in a slightly different form, on a wall in Rome: Si quis forte meam cupiet violare puellam, Illum in desertis montibus urat Amor,—

'If any man shall seek

My girl from me to turn,

On far-off mountains bleak

May Love the scoundrel burn.'

Of extant elegiac poets Ovid, Propertius, and Tibullus are quoted or paraphrased. Among the quotations is the familiar couplet of Propertius: Nunc est ira recens, nunc est discedere tempus; Si dolor afuerit, crede, redibit amor,—

'Now is it time to depart,

Now anger freshly burns;

When one ceases to feel the smart,

Believe me, love returns.'

If it was written by a lover after a quarrel, reconciliation was not far off. Another discouraged suitor perhaps consoled himself by writing on the wall of the Basilica this distich from Ovid's "Art of Love," the form of which differs slightly from that given in the manuscripts: Quid pote tam durum saxso aut quid mollius unda? Dura tamen molli saxsa cavantur aqua,—

'What is so hard as rock, or what can be softer than water?

Hard rocks nevertheless by water are worn away.'

Amatory inscriptions often have the form of a message or greeting to a loved one, as in this example: Victoria, vale, et ubique es, suaviter sternutes,—'Health to you, Victoria, and wherever you are may you sneeze sweetly,' that is, may good luck follow you. Often the greeting is more ardent, as that to Cestilia: Cestilia, regina Pompeianorum, anima dulcis, vale,—'Cestilia, queen of the Pompeians, sweet soul, greeting to you.'

Sometimes the lover avoided writing the lady's name: Pupa quae bella es, tibi me misit qui tuus est; vale,—'Maiden who are so beautiful, he who is yours sent me to you; good-by.' Now and then we find an inscription of this class that leaves an unfavorable impression. The following is repeated several times on the outside of a house in the first Region: Serenae sodales sal[utem],—'Greeting to Serena, from her companions!'

Spurned lovers also confided their woes to graffiti, sometimes adding an appeal to the obdurate one, as in this wretched couplet, which can scarcely have been taken from a poet; the play upon words in the last clause was apparently intentional: Si quid amor valeat nostei, sei te hominem scis, Commiseresce mihi, da veniam ut veniam,—

'If you a man would be,—

If you know what love can do,—

Have pity, and suffer me

With welcome to come to you.'

It was probably a lover in straits who scratched on the wall a line of the Aeneid (IX. 404) as a prayer to Venus: Tu, dea, tu praesens nostro succurre labori,—

'Thou, goddess, with thy present help

Our sore distress relieve.'

Another unsuccessful suitor found the lines of a single poet inadequate to express his feelings, and joined together a couplet from Ovid (Am. I. viii. 77-78) and one from Propertius (IV. v. 47-48) in order to voice his complaint against a miserly mistress who barred her door upon all except wealthy lovers. But the climax is reached in four lines of irregular verse in which the rejected lover proposes to vent his anger on the goddess of love herself: 'All lovers, come! I purpose to break the ribs of Venus and to smash the small of her back with clubs; if she can bore a hole in my tender breast, why can I not break her head with a cudgel?' From the psychological point of view the complete identification of the goddess with a statue representing her is noteworthy.

Occasionally a pair of lovers left on a wall a record of a meeting; thus, Romula hic cum Staphylo moratur,—'Romula tarried here with Staphylus.' Staphylus, however, was apparently a flirt; in the house of Caecilius Jucundus a similar meeting with another maiden is recorded on a column of the peristyle: Staphilus hic cum Quieta. But Staphylus does not seem to have gained the confidence of the fair sex to the extent that another Pompeian gallant did, of whom we find it written: Restitutus multas decepit saepe puellas,—'Restitutus has many times deceived many girls.'

The names of husband and wife are sometimes joined together, as in a room of a house in the ninth Region: L. Clodius Varus, Pelagia coniunx; there is a similar example in a house ruined by the earthquake of the year 63, [Ba]lbus et Fortunata, duo coiuges.

We find a pleasing instance of marital affection in a graffito in which a lonely wife sends a greeting to an absent husband and other relatives: Hirtia Psacas C. Hostilio Conopi coniugi suo manuductori et clementi monitori et Diodot[a]e sorori et Fortunato fratri et Celeri suis salutem semper ubique plurimam, et Primigeniae suae salutem,—'Hirtia Psacas at all times and in all places sends heartiest greeting to Gaius Hostilius Conops, her husband and guide and gentle adviser, and to her sister Diodota, her brother Fortunatus and her Celer; and she sends a greeting to her Primigenia, too.' The names of both husband and wife are Greek, psacas signifying 'dewdrop,' and conops 'gnat.'

Many happenings are chronicled on the walls; and there are memoranda of every description. The programmes of gladiatorial combats have already been mentioned (p. 223). One man records the result of a trip to Nuceria, where he won at the gaming table—without cheating, he takes pains to add—a sum amounting to $130: Vici Nuceriae in alia (for alea) 𐆖 DCCCLVS, fide bona,—'At Nuceria, I won 855.5 denarii by gaming, fair play.'

Another Pompeian counted the steps as he walked up and down the colonnade at the side of his garden (in the house VII. ii. 41) for exercise; he recorded 640 paces for ten turns back and forth.

In the peristyle of a house in the first Region the advent of young pigs, or of puppies, is noted: XV K[alendas] Nov[embres] Puteolana peperit mascl[os] III, femel[as] II,—'On October 17 Puteolana had a litter consisting of 3 males and 2 females.'

The inscriptions relating to business transactions are reserved for another chapter. We may notice here, however, that memoranda of accounts were sometimes scratched on walls, usually containing only the figures indicating measure or price, as in the shops on the south side of the Macellum. The following is from a bakery in the first Region (I. iii. 27): Oleum, l[ibra], a[ssibus] IV; palea a. V; faenum a. XVI; diaria a. V; furfure a. VI; viria I a. III; oleum a. VI,—'Oil, a pound, 4 asses; straw, 5 asses; hay, 16 asses; a day's wages, 5 asses; bran, 6 asses; one wreath for the neck, 3 asses; oil, 6 asses.' The value of the as varied; in the Early Empire it was nearly equivalent to 1½ pence, or 3 cents.

Children scratched upon walls the alphabet that they were learning. The frequent quotations from Virgil, generally incomplete, are likewise an echo of lessons at school, where this author was carefully studied; we find very often the beginnings of lines at the opening of a book, as Arma virumque cano, or Conticuere omnes. The first word of the poem of Lucretius, Aeneadum, also occurs several times.

Occasionally gnomic quotations are found, in most cases, perhaps, from writers of comedy. Among them is the well-known maxim, Minimum malum fit contemnendo maxumum,—'The smallest evil, if neglected, will reach the greatest proportions.' A proverb more concrete in its form of statement is the following: Moram si quaeres, sparge milium et collige,—'If you want to waste your time, scatter millet and pick it up again.'

Chapter LVIII. Inscriptions Relating to Business Affairs

The most important inscriptions relating to business transactions are the receipts, discovered in 1875, which formed a part of the private accounts of L. Caecilius Jucundus (p. 447). They were written on wax tablets, which were carefully packed in a wooden box. The box, which was in the second story of the house, crumbled to pieces when the volcanic dust about it was removed; but many of the tablets, 154 in number, still retained their shape and were taken to the Naples Museum. The wood of the tablets had turned to charcoal, but the writing has been for the most part deciphered. One receipt dates from 15 A.D., another from the year 27; the rest belong to the decade immediately preceding the earthquake, 52-62 A.D. The documents are of the greatest interest as casting light on the business methods of antiquity.

Most of the tablets are triptychs. The three leaves were tied at the back so as to open like the leaves of a book, making six pages (Fig. 274). The average height is about 5 inches, the width varies from 2 to 4 inches. Pages 1 and 6 served as covers, being left smooth and without writing. Pages 2, 3, and 5 were hollowed out, leaving a polished surface with a raised rim around it. On this surface a thin layer of wax was spread, in which the letters were made with a stylus; the writing could be easily read because the wood, which was of a light color, showed through wherever a scratch was made in the wax coating.

Two pages facing each other, 2 and 3, were devoted to the receipt. Page 4, as shown in Fig. 275, was not hollowed out but was divided into two parts by a broad, flat groove running across the middle. When the document was ready to be sealed, the first two leaves were brought together and tied by a thread which passed around the middle, the ends meeting in the groove on page 4. In this groove at convenient distances melted wax was then dropped, on which the witnesses, ordinarily seven in number, impressed their seals. The names of the witnesses were written with pen and ink in a line with the seals, parallel with the sides of the page, sometimes at the right, as in Fig. 275, sometimes divided, the first name and the gens name being at the left of the seal, the cognomen at the right.

This arrangement made it impossible to consult the receipt without cutting the thread or disturbing the seals of the witnesses. To meet the difficulty a memorandum, which was practically a duplicate receipt, was placed on page 5; this could be read at any time.

The difference in form between the receipt, on pages 2 and 3, and the memorandum will be plain from the examples. The receipt, with few exceptions, is simply a record of an oral acknowledgment in the presence of witnesses that a sum of money was received, accepti latio. In nearly all the tablets this acknowledgment and the names of the witnesses, on page 4, are in the same handwriting, which must have been either that of Jucundus himself or of his secretary. It did not matter who wrote the receipt; in case of a dispute the seals of the witnesses would alone be sufficient to prove its genuineness. The memorandum, however, was ordinarily in a different hand, either that of the person who gave the receipt, or of some one authorized to write for him. As it was not under the seals of witnesses, the handwriting might become a matter of importance if any question should arise in regard to the document.

The entire tablet, with its receipt, memorandum, and names and seals of witnesses was called perscriptio, 'entry of account.' This word appears ordinarily on the edge of the tablet, with the name of the person who gave the receipt in the genitive case.

Nearly all the tablets record transactions connected with auction sales, the person whose effects were thus disposed of giving Jucundus a receipt in full for the proceeds of the sale less a commission, mercede minus. A few contain receipts for rent which Jucundus paid for the use of property belonging to the city—a fullery (p. 394), the rent of which altogether amounted to 1652 sesterces, about $75; a pasture, for the use of which he paid 2675 sesterces, about $130; and a piece of arable land, fundus, on which he paid 6000 sesterces, about $300, in rents.

We present an example of both classes of receipts. The first, which we may call Tablet A, was given by a lady, Umbricia Januaria, for the proceeds of an auction sale; it is dated December 12, A.D. 56. The other, Tablet B, is the receipt for the rent of public pasture land and belongs to the year 59 A.D.

TABLET A

Title

Perscriptio Umbriciae Januariae, 'Entry of account of Umbricia Januaria.'

Receipt.

HS n. CC|ↃↃ ∞ XXXVIIII, quae pecunia in stipulatum L. Caecili Iucundi venit ob auctionem Umbriciae Ianuariae mercede minus persoluta habere se dixit Umbricia Ianuaria ab L. Caecilio Iucundo.

Act[um] Pompeis pr[idie] id[us] Dec[embres] L. Duvio, P. Clodio cos.

'Umbricia Januaria declared that she had received from L. Caecilius Jucundus 11,039 sesterces, which sum came into the hands of L. Caecilius Jucundus by agreement as the proceeds of an auction sale for Umbricia Januaria, the commission due him having been deducted.

'Done at Pompeii on the twelfth day of December, in the consulship of Lucius Duvius and Publius Clodius.'

Names of the Witnesses. Page 4

The seals of the witnesses, nine in number, appear in the groove at the middle of the page. The names are in the genitive case, as if dependent on sigillum, 'seal.'

• Q. Appulei Severi.
• M. Lucreti Leri.
• Ti. Iuli Abascanti.
• M. Iuli Crescentis.
• M. Terenti Primi.
• M. Epidi Hymenaei.
• Q. Grani Lesbi.
• T. Vesoni Le....
• D. Volci Thalli.

'Seal of Quintus Appuleius Severus, Marcus Lucretius Lerus, Tiberius Julius Abascantus, M. Julius Crescens, M. Terentius Primus, M. Epidius Hymenaeus, Q. Granius Lesbus, Titus Vesonius Le..., D. Volcius Thallus.'

Memorandum. Page 5

L. Duvio Avito, P. Clodio Thrasea cos., pr. id. Decembr. D. Volcius Thallus scripsi rogatu Umbriciae Ianuariae eam accepisse ab L. Caecilio Iucundo HS n. XI xxxix ex auctione eius mercede minus ex interrogatione facta tabellarum [signatarum]. Act. Pompeis.

'On December 12, in the consulship of Lucius Duvius Avitus and Publius Clodius Thrasea, I, Decimus Volcius Thallus, having examined the tablets put under seal, at the request of Umbricia Januaria declared in writing that she had received from L. Caecilius Jucundus 11,039 sesterces as the proceeds of an auction sale after deducting his commission. Done at Pompeii.'

Tablet A gives the ordinary form of the receipt and the memorandum. There are occasional variations. A few tablets have only two leaves and four pages. In such cases, the leaves are tied and sealed in the same way as the first two of the triptych, but only half of the fourth page is left for the signatures of the witnesses; the memorandum is written on the other half with pen and ink, and so appears on the outside of the tablet.

In two of the older tablets, dated 27 and 54 A.D., the memorandum, as the receipt, is a record of an oral acknowledgment; it may be that this was the proper legal form in use to the end of the reign of Claudius. In a few of the later examples, as Tablet B, the receipt as well as the memorandum has the form of a voucher in the handwriting of the person who receives the money, or his agent.

TABLET B

Receipt. Pages 2 and 3

L. Veranio Hupsaeo, L. Albucio Iusto duumviris iure dic[undo] XIIII K[alendas] Iulias Privatus coloniae Pompeian[orum] ser[vus] scripsi me accepisse ab L. Caecilio Iucundo sestertios mille sescentos septuaginta quinque nummos, et accepi ante hanc diem, quae dies fuit VIII idus Iunias, sester[tios] mille nummos, ob vectigal publicum pasqua [for pasquorum].

Act[um] Pom[peis] Cn. Fonteio C. Vipstano cos.

'On June 18, in the duumvirate of L. Veranius Hypsaeus and L. Albucius Justus, I, Privatus, slave of the colony of Pompeii, declared in writing that I had received from L. Caecilius Jucundus 1675 sesterces, and previous to this day, on June 6, I received 1000 sesterces, as rent for the public pasture.

'Done at Pompeii in the consulship of Gnaeus Fonteius and Gaius Vipstanus.'

Names of the Witnesses. Page 4

In the groove in the middle of the page are four seals. As the receipt was given for the city, the witnesses were the two duumvirs and the slave Privatus, who received the money. The name of Privatus appears twice with seal, under that of each duumvir. In antiquity municipalities, as well as individuals, owned slaves.

L. Verani Hypsaei
Privati, c. c. V. C. ser. (for colonorum coloniae Veneriae Corneliae servi)

L. Albuci Iusti
Privati, c. c. V. C. se.
Chirographum Privati c. c. V. C. ser.

'Seal of Lucius Veranius Hypsaeus; Privatus, slave of the citizens of the colony of Pompeii; L. Albucius Iustus; Privatus, slave of the citizens of the colony of Pompeii.

'Autograph of Privatus, slave of the citizens of the colony of Pompeii.'

Memorandum. Page 5

L. Veranio Hupsaeo L. Albucio Iusto d[uumviris] i[ure] d[icundo] XIV K. Iul. Privatus c. c. V. C. ser. scripsi me accepisse ab L. Caecilio Iucundo HS ∞ DCLXXV et accepi ante hanc diem VIII idus Iunias HS ∞ nummos ob vectigal publicum pasquorum.

Act. Pom. C. Fonteio C. Vips. cos.

The language of the memorandum is so nearly identical with that of the receipt that it is unnecessary to add a translation.

A considerable number of the amphorae found at Pompeii bear inscriptions, generally written with a pen in black ink, but sometimes painted with a brush in red or white. Most of them contained wine. The percentage of Greek inscriptions is large, an evidence of the strength of the Greek population in the region about the city.

The wine underwent fermentation in large round vats of baked clay, dolia, which stood in the wine cellar of the villa, cella vinaria, or in a court (p. 364); from these the amphorae were filled. The vats containing the common wines were ordinarily emptied before the next vintage, when they were needed for the new wine, but the better sorts were allowed to remain in the dolia for a longer time. The wine of one Pompeian amphora was left in the vat till after the harvest of the second year: C. Pomponio C. Anicio cos., ex fund[o] Badiano, diff[usum] id. Aug., bimum,—'Consulship of Gaius Pomponius and Gaius Anicius. From the Badian estate. Poured (into amphorae) August 13. Two years old.' In what year Pomponius and Anicius were consuls we do not know.

The earliest amphora of which the date is certain was filled in 25 A.D.: [Cosso Len]tulo M. Asinio cos. fund. The place from which it came, however, is not so easily determined, since fund. may refer to the town of Fundi, or stand for fundus, 'estate,' the name that followed having been obliterated. The names of two such estates were lately recovered from amphorae in the house of the Vettii, fundus Satrianus and fundus Asinianus.

In addition to the product of Italian vineyards the Pompeians used also imported wines from the coast of Asia Minor and the islands near by. One dealer, M. Fabius Euporus, kept wine from Cnidus, Cnidium. Wine from the island of Cos is frequently mentioned, as in this inscription: Coum vet[us] P. Appulei Bassi,—'Old Coan of Publius Appuleius Bassus.'

Different kinds of wine were sometimes designated by characteristic names. A certain Greek, M. Pomponius Teupon, produced a brand which he called 'Frenzy Wine' (Λύττιος), as if so strong that it would make the drinker frantic. Another Greek, Timarchus, named one of his wines 'White Drink,' Λευκουνάριον.

An amphora in the house of the Vettii was labelled Gustaticium, 'Breakfast Drink'; it no doubt contained mulsum, a kind of mead made by mixing honey with wine, which the ancients drank with the first meal of the day. The word mulsum occurs on another amphora discovered previously.

Fruits and other edibles of all kinds were kept in amphorae. On one was written: Oliva alba dulce (for olivae albae dulces) P. C. E.,—'White sweet olives of P. C. E.'; the name cannot be determined from the initials. On other amphorae the words for bean meal (lomentum), honey, and lentils appear, the last being designated by the Greek word.

A large number of small jars contained the fish sauces,—garum, liquamen, and muria,—of which the ancients were so fond; reference has already been made to Umbricius Scaurus (p. 15), who seems to have had several establishments for the making of the sauces, conducted by slaves, freedmen, and perhaps by members of his family.

The best quality of garum, which was probably a thick preparation, a kind of fish jelly, was designated by the letters g. f., for garum—flos, 'garum blossom,' as in the following inscription: g[arum]—f[los] scombr[i] Scauri ab Eutyche Scauri,—'Scaurus's tunny jelly, blossom brand, put up by Eutyches, slave of Scaurus.' We frequently find liquamen optimum, 'best liquamen.'

The muria was apparently a fish pickle, certain parts of the fish, or certain varieties, being preserved in brine. According to Pliny the Elder some fish sauces were prepared in a special way, to be used by the Jews on fast days; two of these, as already noted, appear in the inscriptions upon Pompeian jars, garum castum and muria casta (p. 18).

In these inscriptions upon jars of various sizes the name of the proprietor is sometimes given, in the genitive case, as M. Caesi Celeris,—'Of M. Caesius Celer.' The name of the man to whom the consignment is made is put in the dative, as Albucio Celso.

The name of the consignor sometimes follows that of the consignee, as liquamen optimum A. Virnio Modesto ab Agathopode,—'Best liquamen, for Aulus Virnius Modestus, from Agathopus.'

An inscription similar to that just mentioned, on an amphora found in the house of Caecilius Jucundus, illustrates the extent to which family pride might assert itself in the naming of children: Caecilio Iucundo ab Sexsto Metello,—'To Caecilius Jucundus from Sextus Metellus.' The sender and the recipient were both sons of Lucius Caecilius Jucundus. According to common usage, one of the sons would have received the name Lucius Caecilius Jucundus, after the father; while the other would have been called Lucius Caecilius, with a cognomen derived perhaps from the name of the mother. But the prosperous Pompeian wished to suggest a relationship with the distinguished family of the Caecilii Metelli, so he named one son Sextus Caecilius Jucundus Metellus, and the other Quintus Caecilius Jucundus, the name Quintus being common in the family of the Caecilii Metelli. The names of the two sons are found together in an election notice: Q. S. Caecili Iucundi,—'Quintus and Sextus Caecilius Jucundus.'

Besides the names of the makers, inscriptions relating to weight and ownership are found on the cups and other objects of the Boscoreale treasure. Thus on the under side of the Alexandria patera (Fig. 187, and p. 380) we find the following record, the letters of which are outlined with points: Phi[ala] et emb[lema] p[endentia] p[ondo libras] II, uncias X, scrupula VI. Phi[ala] p[endens] p[ondo libras] II, uncias II, semunciam; emb[lema] p[endens] p[ondo] uncias VII, semunciam, 'The bowl and the relief medallion' together 'weigh 2 pounds, 10 ounces, and 6 scruples. The bowl weighs 2 pounds, 2½ ounces; the relief medallion weighs 7½ ounces.' In giving the items separately no account was taken of the scruples. Reckoning the Roman pound as 327.453 grammes, the weight of the patera with its relief was 934.608 grammes, or 2.504 Troy pounds. This differs from the present weight by less than a gramme.

Occasionally a name in the genitive case is found with the record of weight, written with the same kind of letters; in such cases it is probably safe to assume that the name is that of the original owner. On the under side of one of the pair of cups ornamented with skeletons (Fig. 217) is the inscription: GAVIAE P·II·S𐆐IIII; a later hand, writing with a fine point, added VAS II in the space after GAVIAE, as if to supply an obvious omission, so that the inscription in full would read, Gaviae. Vas[a] II [pendentia] p[ondo libras] II, uncias VIII, [scrupula] IV, 'The property of Gavia. The two cups weigh 2 pounds, 8 ounces, and 4 scruples' (2.351 Troy pounds).

In some instances the name of a later owner has been scratched on the surface with a pointed tool. The name of a woman, Maxima, written in full or in abbreviation, appears on forty-five of the pieces in the Louvre. We may safely accept the conclusion of De Villefosse, that she is probably the one who made the collection, obtaining her specimens from different sources, and that to her the Boscoreale treasure belonged at the time of the eruption.

Besides the seals which were used in signing documents the Romans had stamps, signacula, which they impressed upon various articles as a means of identification or as an advertisement. Impressions of such stamps are found upon bricks and other objects of clay, and in one or two instances upon loaves of bread. Several charred loaves in the Naples Museum have the stamp: [C]eleris Q. Grani Veri ser.,—'(Made by) Celer, slave of Quintus Granius Verus.'

The names upon stamps appear regularly in the genitive case, as N. Popidi Prisci, spelled backward on the stamp, so that the letters appear in the right order in the impression. Since the time of Fiorelli many houses have been named from the stamps found in them; in the house of the Vettii, for example, two stamps were found with the names of Aulus Vettius Restitutus and Aulus Vettius Conviva.