§ 56
This principle has done away with Class Legislation, which was proving a grave danger to the well being of England. Of course, it stands for sense that every County is not ruled alike. There must be Industrial districts as well as Agricultural, but they are not permitted to invade each other. As far as possible Industrial districts are not divorced from Agriculture. Now that the smoke fiend is no more Industrial districts can have their gardens, and the people can grow their vegetables and fruit with security. This has been made possible, as we have seen, for each person is master of his own little bit of land, which he is taught to cultivate, and which if he does not it is taken away from him and given to someone else who will use it. Once a year (if necessary more often) the leaders of Communes meet in conclave somewhere in the centre of England. There they consider the laws. In that way conditions are kept clear from becoming stereotyped. Men of various adaptabilities shake brains with each other. This becomes a habit and prevents isolation, because the national interest is the County interest extended. If Agriculture is to be the first consideration the main essential without which the nation might starve, Industrialism had to be checked, but not destroyed. It had to be put in its proper place, not as an autocratic ruler, but a useful servant.
Nuisances produced by Industrialism are sternly dealt with. No factories are permitted in Agricultural districts or to be planted in the centre of towns among dwelling houses or where they might be a nuisance. There is no hardship in that decision, it is just, that is all. Borough and Village, as well as City Councils, are now so represented that jobbery is put out of court. Not only is the body of the people considered, but the soul of the Nation is encouraged to enlarge and expand. Men have got to see that, and to act on it. All forms of religion are equally regarded. There is no State Church or State monopoly. It was a blow to the narrow brain, this was; it wrenched power from inquisitors and took the wind out of the sails of doctrinaires. But it is proved to have been wise, because there is more, not less, religion than there was. It is simplified on the broad basis of belief in God. The Devil gets a poor look in now. Religious persecution was one of his choicest allies. The Devil found in it admirable matter for his schemes, for it promoted hate, not love. The noblest Greek philosophy teaches that love was the first created abstract power, and what philosophy is better calculated to make men of us than that is? The story of the Garden of Eden teaches us that God made perfect beauty, which, by folly, man, in his inquisitive, greedy pursuit of wealth, attempted to destroy.
He had to become poor to buy back what he had lost; he had to labour to create a new Garden, and that is what the New Life is struggling to do. Not a less, but a more beautiful Garden than the first is being created. Now it is to be made for the many. We have history to teach us what to avoid, and what to cling to, and it is one of the chief duties of men versed in history to teach it to their less favoured fellows, and that the New Order is striving to do.
Christ’s disciples were few, but by their earnestness and belief in the truth they wrought a great change. Perhaps, in their enthusiasm, they broke away from things that were beautiful and useful; but one prominent good they did: they promoted a spirit of fellowship; of fraternity which, if not new in theory, was new in practice. The Franciscan Order began in spite of the Church. St. Francis was, in a sense, a revolutionary. While the Church was preaching wealth he preached poverty. While the Church was systematically conservative he was progressive. And with what swiftness his teaching moved. Beginning in a little company of followers in Assisi, the Order spread over Europe, almost as a flash of lightning. All the greatest things start small. It is enthusiasm that really moves the world; to use enthusiasm wisely comes afterwards. Who shall say how far or how beneficially the new lay Order in Britain will go? It may become the ruling factor of modern democracy; it may turn a paper democracy into a living one. Movements of less moment than this one have changed the destinies of nations, and such changes have always come about after great upheavals. After the terrible strain of War people looked about them and began to wonder if what led up to the War was not (even if it made wealth) destroying our spiritual nature. I like better, our instinctive Ideals. It surely made the wise think more deeply and the less wise wonder what was the matter. It was evident that a mood was about beyond the power of politicians to tackle. No red tape could do it; it could only wrap it up and put the bundle away in a pigeon-hole. Was it all a chimera in which we were living? Extended luxuries, ridiculously high wages, penalising taxes, were all artificial and demonstrated an entirely artificial life. Constant demand for excitement, if prolonged, must ruin a nation. The preachments of equality were vain; there is not such a thing and never can be. The only approach to equality can be found in equality of honour; each man working his best, giving the best for decent wages, and the noblest of all giving their best for no wages at all.