Part IV. Decline of the Asmonean Dynasty; Interference of the Romans, and Rise of the Herodian Family

Chapter I. Hyrcanus II. And Aristobulus; Pompeius and Crassus. B.C. 79–53.

BESIDES the new high-priest, Alexander had left another son named Aristobulus, a man of an ardent and impetuous temper, who took no pains to conceal his dislike of his mother’s proceedings. Placing himself at the head of the now offended and persecuted Sadducees, he encouraged them in their opposition to the triumphant Pharisees, and so far prevailed with the queen, that the leaders of the Sadducaic faction were allowed to retire to the frontier fortresses of the kingdom. Shortly afterwards he himself was sent on an expedition to Damascus, to check the depredations of Ptolemy, who governed a small independent kingdom at Chalcis. The young prince did not lose the opportunity thus afforded him of ingratiating himself with the soldiers, and began to form designs of usurping the kingdom.

After a successful reign of 9 years, queen Alexandra died, B.C. 69, and the Pharisaic party immediately placed Hyrcanus II. on the throne. This was regarded as the signal for definite action by Aristobulus. Quickly summoning his adherents from the frontier cities, he marched towards Jerusalem, where the partisans of Hyrcanus seizing his wife and children, placed them as hostages in the Tower of Baris, and then prepared to meet the invader at Jericho. But so strongly did the feeling of the army declare itself in favour of Aristobulus, and so many were the desertions to his side, including even not a few members of the Sanhedrin, that Hyrcanus fell back upon Jerusalem, and with such of his adherents as still remained faithful took refuge in the fortifications of the Temple. But provisions failing them, they were unable to stand a lengthened siege, and were soon compelled to yield to Aristobulus, who thus obtained possession of the entire kingdom, while his brother, who was of a feeble and indolent disposition, retired into private life after a brief reign of three months.

But now a different actor appeared upon the scene, destined to prove a far more fatal enemy to the Asmonean dynasty, and to raise his own house upon its ruins. This was Antipater, the son of an officer who had been high in the confidence of Alexander Jannæus, and had been appointed governor of Idumæa. A man of great courage, astuteness, and decision, he had acquired a complete mastery over the feeble Hyrcanus, and in concert with the Pharisees repeatedly urged him to attempt the recovery of his throne, but for a long time the indolent prince absolutely refused to listen to his suggestions. At length, by representing that his life was in danger, he succeeded in persuading him to fly with himself to the court of Aretas, king of Arabia, whom he induced, by promising to restore twelve frontier cities which Jannæus had taken and united to Judæa, to espouse his cause. At the head of 50,000 men Aretas marched into the country, and being joined by the partisans of Hyrcanus, defeated Aristobulus, and closely besieged him in the Temple-fortress at Jerusalem. The feast of the Passover drew near, during which even heathen generals had been wont to allow the sacrificial victims to be introduced into the city. But such was the fury of the rival claimants for the supreme power that even this indulgence was refused to the besieged. When Aristobulus let down baskets from the top of the wall with 1000 drachmas of silver for each victim, the besiegers took the money, but returned the baskets empty, or, as some say, even laden with swine.

At this juncture news reached Jerusalem that a Roman army had seized Damascus, and was advancing towards the country. Bent on their plan of establishing a universal empire, the great republic of the West was now busily engaged in those wars, which gradually placed at her feet the old Asiatic monarchies. The Syrian kingdom, since B.C. 83, had passed into the power of Tigranes, king of Armenia. This monarch, as well as Mithridates, king of Pontus, was utterly defeated by Pompeius, B.C. 66, and the ancient realm of the Seleucidæ was now reduced to a Roman province. Retiring himself into lesser Armenia, the conqueror placed his lieutenants Scaurus and Gabinius at Antioch and Damascus, the two great capitals of the Syrian Empire.

This intelligence determined both brothers to try and secure the aid of these powerful arbitrators, and their emissaries soon appeared before Scaurus at Damascus, with 400 talents. The Roman general at first hesitated which side to espouse, but at length reflecting that Aristobulus was in possession of the Temple-fortress, and therefore of the treasures, he ordered Aretas to withdraw, and break up the siege. The Arabian chief was forced to comply, and taking with him Hyrcanus and Antipater marched away with his army, but not before Aristobulus had sallied forth and inflicted upon it a considerable loss.

His triumph, however, was shortlived. Before long Pompeius arrived in person at Damascus, and twelve kings crowded together to pay him homage. The king of Egypt brought him a crown worth 4000 pieces of gold. Aristobulus sent him a golden vine upon a square mount, the leaves and branches most skilfully wrought, beneath which were lions, deer, and other animals in life-like attitude. His present was accepted, but instead of his own name, that of his father was inscribed upon it, and after hearing the ambassadors of each brother, the conqueror declared that they must attend and plead their cause before him in person early in the following year B.C. 63.

At the time appointed the brothers appeared, attended by numerous witnesses in support of their respective claims, as also by representatives of the Jewish people. Pompeius listened with attention to their arguments, and then closed the conference by announcing his purpose of settling the question in person at Jerusalem, intending first to subjugate Aretas and to conquer Petra. The impetuous Aristobulus, divining that the decision would be adverse to his interests, prepared for resistance by flinging himself into the fortress of Alexandrium, on the road between Jericho and Jerusalem, a position well adapted for resisting an approach to his capital.

Professing the greatest indignation at this conduct, and relieved from the necessity of invading Arabia by the timely submission of Aretas, Pompeius marched through the country east of the Jordan, and besieged the impetuous Asmonean in his stronghold. After three fruitless interviews, Aristobulus was forced to sign written orders for the surrender of all his strongholds, and on promise of obedience was liberated. Fleeing to Jerusalem, he now betook himself to the Temple-fortress, and prepared for a siege. Pompeius advanced to Jericho, where his soldiers were struck with admiration by the beautiful palm-groves and balsam-trees of that tropic region, and then pressed on to Jerusalem. The partisans of Hyrcanus, who were the most numerous, threw open the gates, those of Aristobulus remained within their stronghold, and resolutely refused the summons of the Roman general to surrender.

On this Pompeius sent to Tyre for his military engines, and prosecuted the siege with the utmost vigour for three months. It might have been protracted still longer, but for the suspension of hostilities by the Jews on the Sabbath-day. At length the largest of the towers was thrown down by one of the battering engines, and Cornelius Faustus, a son of Sylla, mounted the breach, and the day was gained B.C. 63. A terrible carnage now ensued, during which the priests remained unmoved at the altar, and continued their solemn services, pouring their drink-offerings, and burning their incense, till they were themselves stricken down. The conqueror entered the Temple, and, amidst the horror of the Jews, explored the total darkness of the Holy of Holies, and found, to his great amazement, neither symbols, nor statues, nor representation of any deity. He surveyed with interest the sacred vessels, the golden altar of incense, the golden candlestick, and the Temple treasures, but with politic generosity left them untouched. He then ordered the sacred enclosure to be cleansed from the profanation of his soldiers, nominated Hyrcanus to the high-priesthood, though without the royal diadem, and confined the limits of his jurisdiction to Judæa. The walls of the city having been demolished, he then set out for Rome, taking with him the captive Aristobulus, as also his two sons and two daughters to grace his splendid triumph.

On the way, however, Alexander, the eldest son of the captive king, managed to effect his escape, and returned to Judæa, where, rallying round him the partisans of his father, he seized the fortresses of Alexandrium, Hyrcania, and Machærus, and began to attack the adherents of Hyrcanus. Alarmed at the progress of the invader, and unable to make head against him themselves, the ethnarch and Antipater called in the aid of the Romans, and Gabinius, who had been appointed prefect of Syria, B.C. 57, deputed Marcus Antonius, his master of the horse, to render the required assistance. Antonius, having defeated the invader in a short engagement, shut him up in the stronghold of Alexandrium, and on the arrival of Gabinius forced him, after a somewhat protracted siege, to purchase his life by the surrender of the three fortresses, which were now demolished.

Gabinius now employed himself in completely reorganizing the government of the country. Hitherto the nominal power had centred in Hyrcanus. Now he was deprived of even this semblance of authority, which was placed in the hands of the aristocracy, five independent senates or Sanhedrins being established, the first sitting at Jerusalem, the second at Jericho, the third at Gadara, the fourth at Amathus, the fifth at Sepphoris. These arrangements made for destroying the influence of the capital as a centre of union, Gabinius returned to Syria. But scarcely had he done so, when Aristobulus himself reappeared, having escaped from Rome with his younger son, Antigonus. He was, however, more quickly disposed of even than Alexander had been, for the prefect of Syria instantly dispatched a force against him, and having overpowered his adherents, sent him back as a prisoner to Rome with his son, who was afterwards, however, released.

Gabinius now proceeded with Antonius to Egypt to place Ptolemy Auletes upon the throne, and both generals were strenuously assisted by Hyrcanus and Antipater, who sent supplies for their armies, and urged the Jews at Leontopolis to befriend them in like manner. Taking advantage of the absence of the legions, Alexander made a second attempt to recover the supreme power, but only to be a second time defeated near Mount Tabor by the Roman commanders on their return from Egypt, with a loss of 10,000 men.

The next year, B.C. 54, the prefect was recalled to Rome, where numerous charges of rapacity and extortion were preferred against him, and though defended by Cicero he was ignominiously banished. The celebrated triumvir Marcus Crassus now succeeded to the prefecture of Syria, a man of mean abilities, but enormous wealth, and unbounded avarice. Armed like Pompeius with proconsular authority for five years, and empowered to maintain as large a force as he might see fit, and to carry on wars without consulting the senate and people of Rome, Crassus resolved on entering upon a war with Parthia. Hurrying to his province, with some of the troops he had already collected, he entered Jerusalem, attracted by the well-known fact that the treasury of its Temple contained 2,000 talents, equivalent to nearly £2,000,000 sterling, besides vessels of gold and silver to an almost equal amount. The Jews were powerless to resist his intentions, but Eleazar, the guardian of the Temple, offered him a solid bar of gold weighing nearly 1000 pounds, concealed in a beam of wood, on condition that he left the rest of the treasures untouched. Crassus solemnly promised to be satisfied with this huge ingot, took it, and then, in defiance of his plighted faith, robbed the Temple of all the treasures he could lay his hands on, not sparing even the sacred vessels. The total amount he carried off is said to have been worth upwards of 10,000 Attic talents, and consisted of the gifts and offerings which during a hundred years the annual contributions of Jews from well-nigh every quarter of the world had amassed. He then set out against the Parthians, crossed the Euphrates, and plunged into the sandy deserts of Mesopotamia, to be defeated with the loss of nearly his entire army at the disastrous battle of Carrhæ, B.C. 53.

Chapter II. Antipater and Herod; Julius Cæsar and Antonius. B.C. 53–41.

MISFORTUNE seemed to follow in the footsteps of every Roman general that interfered in the affairs of Judæa. Gabinius was ignominiously exiled, Crassus perished miserably in a foreign land, and now the disastrous issue of the battle of Pharsalia, B.C. 48, drove Pompeius to the shores of Egypt, there to perish by the blow of an assassin.

A new actor now appeared upon the stage. Master of Rome, nominated dictator for the second time, Julius Cæsar repaired to Egypt in pursuit of his rival, and a few days after his death arrived at Alexandria. For the purpose of effecting a diversion in his favour, he had liberated Aristobulus, and sent him to Palestine with two legions to overawe Syria. But the partisans of Pompeius managed to poison him on the way, and Scipio, who held the command in Syria, seized his son Alexander, and caused him to be beheaded after a mock trial at Antioch.

The supremacy was thus left in the hands of Hyrcanus, or rather of his minister Antipater, who really ruled in his name. With prudent alacrity the wily Idumæan completely changed his tactics, and did everything in his power to promote the cause of Cæsar. Resolved to settle the disputes concerning the succession to the throne of Egypt, and determined to uphold the claims of Cleopatra, who had completely won his heart, this general embarked in a war, in which for some time he was exposed to great danger on account of the small number of his troops. Antipater seized the opportunity of displaying a prudent activity on his behalf. He assisted his ally, Mithridates, king of Pontus, in marching to his relief, he contributed to the reduction of Pelusium, he conciliated the Jews in Egypt, who had espoused the cause of the opposite party, and received wounds in almost every part of his body, while fighting on his behalf.

Cæsar was not slow to declare his gratitude. Having brought the Egyptian war to a close B.C. 47, he conferred upon his friend the privileges of Roman citizenship, and at the same time at his request confirmed Hyrcanus in the high-priesthood. But Antigonus, son of Aristobulus, now appeared before him, and breaking forth into the fiercest accusations against Antipater, charged him with cruelty towards himself, oppression of the Jews, and an insincere friendship for his patron. The Idumæan was equal to the occasion. Throwing open his vest, he exposed the numerous wounds he had received in Cæsar’s cause, and protested his innocence and fidelity. The Dictator could not resist such an appeal, appointed him procurator of Judæa, and granted him permission to restore the ruined fortifications of Jerusalem.

Having made these arrangements Cæsar marched through Syria towards Pontus, to attack Pharnaces, the son of Mithridates the Great, who had defeated one of his lieutenants. Antipater conducted him beyond the Syrian frontiers, and returning to Jerusalem, commenced rebuilding the walls which had been overthrown by Pompey. He then set out on a tour through the country, suppressing tumults, and exhorting all to submit to the rule of Hyrcanus; soon waxing bolder, and taking advantage of the indolence of his nominal sovereign, he appointed his eldest son Phasael military governor of Judæa, and conferred the tetrarchy of Galilee on his younger son Herod, afterwards Herod the Great.

Though but a youth of 15, according to Josephus, but more probably of 25, the new governor of Galilee soon began to give signs of that decision of character which subsequently distinguished him. Turning his energies against numerous robber bands, who infested his province as also the confines of Syria, he put to death Hezekias, one of their notorious chiefs, with nearly all his associates. Such energy and determination won the delighted approval of the Syrians, who sang his praises in their villages and cities, and not less of Sextus Cæsar, the new president of that province.

But the news of these successes of the young man filled Hyrcanus and many of the national party at Jerusalem with indignation. The priest-king felt that the family of Antipater was everything, while he himself was nothing. Herod was, therefore, summoned before the Sanhedrin to answer for his conduct in putting so many to death without a trial. He came, not in the garb of a suppliant, but clothed in purple, accompanied by a strong escort, and bore with him a letter from Sextus Cæsar, ordering his acquittal of the capital charge. The great council was terrified. Not a man dared to lift his voice to accuse him, backed as he was by the terrible power of the Roman governor, save Sameas, or Shammai, one of the most learned Rabbis and a man of unblemished character. He sternly rebuked the accused for the haughty independence he had evinced, and the others, emboldened by his conduct, were ready to pronounce the sentence of death. Hyrcanus now interposed, and secretly advised Herod to fly from the city. He took the advice and hurried to Damascus, where he threw himself at the feet of Sextus Cæsar, and in consideration of a heavy bribe, was appointed governor of Cœlesyria and Samaria. Burning with rage, he now gathered an army, marched against Jerusalem, and would have taken summary vengeance on his opponents, had it not been for the intervention of his father and brother, who advised him to be satisfied with his acquittal and draw off his troops.

Two years afterwards, B.C. 44, Cæsar was assassinated on the Ides of March, in the senate-house at Rome. Cassius, the chief conspirator, betook himself to Syria, to secure the troops stationed at Apamea, and began to impose heavy tribute on the various cities of Asia Minor, and the Syrian provinces. Palestine was assessed to pay the enormous sum of 700 talents of silver, and Antipater commissioned his son Herod to collect the contribution from Galilee, while Malichus, a powerful Jew, and principal adherent of Hyrcanus, collected the rest. With characteristic tact, Herod employed himself diligently in raising his quota, and repairing to Cassius with 100 talents gained his hearty good will, while Malichus so incensed him by his dilatoriness, that he would have put him to death, had not Hyrcanus soothed the Roman’s anger by the present of another 100 talents.

The influence of Antipater on this occasion Malichus deemed unendurable. He saw that his patron Hyrcanus was rapidly losing even the semblance of power, and he resolved to compass the Idumæan’s death. Suspecting his designs, Antipater fled beyond the Jordan, and collected a body of men to defend himself. But persuaded that his suspicions were groundless, he returned to Jerusalem, where he was shortly afterwards poisoned with a glass of wine at an entertainment in the high-priest’s palace, B.C. 43. Herod would have instantly avenged his father’s murder, but Phasael persuaded him to bide his time, and the brothers celebrated their father’s obsequies with the greatest splendour, pretending to believe the assassin’s assertion of innocence. Before long, an opportunity of revenge presented itself. On the capture of Laodicea by Cassius, the kings and nobles of the surrounding provinces assembled, bearing gifts and crowns. Amongst the rest came Hyrcanus and Malichus, and on the way stayed at Tyre, where Herod, who had joined them, invited them to a banquet, and sending secret instructions to the Roman soldiers, caused Malichus to be dispatched on the sea-shore. The feeble Hyrcanus witnessed the bloody deed, and immediately fainted away, but no sooner heard that it had been done by command of Cassius, than he acquiesced, and denounced Malichus as the enemy of his country.

It was now clear that the virtual supremacy lay in the hands of the sons of Antipater, and that the party of Hyrcanus could but struggle in vain against their influence. It was not, however, their interest to come to an open rupture with the high-priest, and Herod for the sake of conciliating the people, who still clung with unabated devotion to that noble race, resolved to ally himself with a princess of the Asmonean family. He had already married Doris, a native of Judæa, and by her had become the father of a son Antipater. He now was betrothed to the beautiful and accomplished grand-daughter of Hyrcanus, the famous Mariamne, who was as yet a child.

Meanwhile, B.C. 42, the forces of Brutus and Cassius had met their opponents Antonius and Octavius on the bloody field of Philippi, and had sustained a disastrous defeat. The conquerors separated; Octavius departed for Italy, Antonius for Asia. On his arrival in Bithynia, a number of influential Jews waited upon Antonius with bitter complaints against Phasael and Herod, but Herod plied him with such heavy bribes, that the deputation withdrew unable to effect anything. Shortly afterwards another deputation met him at Daphne near Antioch, and with them came Hyrcanus. The Roman listened to their complaints, and then turning to the high-priest, asked whom he deemed best fitted to rule the country? Influenced probably by the projected alliance between Herod and his grand-daughter, he named the brothers. Antonius, who had been hospitably entertained by their father Antipater, when he accompanied Gabinius to Egypt, readily assented, and named them tetrarchs of Judæa, nor could a subsequent deputation of 1000 Jews, who waited upon him at Tyre, avail to alter his decision.

A single obstacle to the complete success of the brothers still remained in the person of Antigonus. He had already made an ineffectual attempt to recover the throne, and now assistance appeared in an utterly unexpected quarter. While Antonius was wasting his time in the society of Cleopatra, queen of Egypt, the Parthians, under Pacorus, entered Syria, overran the whole country, and made themselves masters of Sidon and Ptolemais. Antigonus resolved to court the assistance of these unexpected allies, and by a bribe of 1000 talents and 500 Jewish women, persuaded Pacorus to espouse his cause. With a division of the Parthian army he now marched against Jerusalem, and an obstinate struggle commenced. At length the Parthian general with a few horsemen was admitted into the city, and offered to act as umpire between the rival claimants. Phasael assented, and in an evil hour for himself, accompanied by Hyrcanus repaired to the court of Barzapharnes, the new Parthian governor of Syria, who threw them into chains. Meanwhile Herod, suspecting treachery, and warned by Mariamne, secretly escaped with a picked body of troops from Jerusalem, and made his way to Masada, a strong fortress on the south-western side of the Dead Sea. So desperate were his circumstances, that he was with difficulty restrained from making away with himself, and finally, leaving Mariamne and his family at Masada, in charge of 800 men, he fled to Petra, to try to obtain help from the successor of Aretas. This being denied, he dismissed the remainder of his forces, and made his way to Pelusium, and so to Alexandria, whence declining the command of an expedition offered him by Cleopatra, he took ship, although it was the depth of winter, and sailed for Rome, B.C. 40.

Chapter III. Herod, King of Judæa. B.C. 40–33.

MEANWHILE the Parthians had made themselves masters of Jerusalem, reinstated Antigonus in the supreme power, and delivered into his hands the captives Hyrcanus and Phasael. The new ruler, unwilling to put his aged uncle to death, but determined that he should never be able to hold the office of high-priest again, caused his ears to be cropped off, and then sent him to Seleucia in Babylonia to be retained as a prisoner of the Parthians. Phasael, knowing his death was certain, anticipated the executioner by beating out his brains against the walls of his prison.

In the mean time Herod had reached Rome, where he found Antonius at the very summit of power. The Roman received him with much kindness, and introduced him to Octavius, who calling to mind the aid which the great Julius had received from Antipater during his Egyptian war, was no less ready to befriend him. Herod protested he wished for nothing more than that Aristobulus, the brother of his betrothed Mariamne, should be placed on the throne of Judæa. But the triumvirs would not entertain the proposition for a moment. Who was more fit to receive the title of king than Herod himself? Who was more likely to cope effectually with Antigonus, and to render aid in the projected war with Parthia? Accordingly with the assent of the senate he was formally nominated King of Judæa, and preceded by the consuls and other magistrates, walked in procession between Antonius and Octavius to the Capitol, where the usual sacrifices were offered, and the decree formally laid up in the archives.

A week only had elapsed since the arrival of Herod in Italy. But without losing a moment he hurried to Brundusium, and thence took ship for Ptolemais, where he presented himself after an absence of barely three months. Meanwhile Antigonus had been unsuccessfully besieging the fortress of Masada, with the design of obtaining possession of Mariamne and Aristobulus. The first object of the newly-arrived king was to relieve this stronghold, and the recollection of his energy as a governor in Galilee quickly attracted many to his standard. He also invoked the aid of Ventidius the Roman general, who had been sent to check the advance of the Parthians and had encamped before Jerusalem, and partly through his aid but still more by his own energy succeeded in raising the siege of Masada, liberated his relatives, and recovered the treasures he had deposited there.

His next step was to march upon Jerusalem, and having united with the Roman forces, encamped on the west side of the city B.C. 38. Finding, however, that he could not reduce it with the forces then at his command, he repaired to Samaria, and there was formally united in marriage with the beautiful Mariamne. Early in the following spring, B.C. 37, he again set out for Jerusalem, supported on this occasion by Sosius, the lieutenant of Antonius, with 11 legions and 6000 cavalry. Now for the first time the Romans found how desperate an enemy they had to encounter in the Jews, who defended Antigonus with all the constancy of their race. Upwards of 40 days elapsed before the first wall was taken, 15 before the second was reduced. Fighting with reckless courage, the besieged were driven successively from the outer court of the Temple and the lower city into the interior of the Sanctuary, nor was it till after five long months of combat that the signal could be given for an assault. No sooner had this been given than a dreadful massacre ensued. Exasperated by the obstinacy of the foe, the Romans struck down all whom they met, without distinction of age or sex. Multitudes were butchered in the narrow streets, many crowded together in their homes, many flying for refuge to the Sanctuary. Herod used every effort to mollify the wrath of the legions, and even threatened to cut down any who attempted to penetrate into the Holy of Holies. Finding all was lost, Antigonus descended from the Baris, where he had taken refuge, and flung himself at the feet of Sosius. The Roman treated him with contempt and scorn, called him in derision Antigona, and put him in chains. Then laden with munificent presents from the new ruler of Jerusalem, he retired to Antioch with his captive, to await the pleasure of Antonius himself. The latter, at the request of his favourite now installed in power, had the unfortunate prince tried and condemned, and after he had first been scourged by the Roman lictors, struck off his head. Thus ignominiously perished the last priest-king of the Asmonean dynasty, 126 years after Judas Maccabæus obtained the government of Judæa.

Herod had now attained the highest object of his ambition. In the prime of his vigour and great abilities he had become ruler of Palestine, being lifted into his high position by the Roman legions, and by uniting himself with one of the Asmonean line he had conciliated somewhat the popular favour. But though successful, he clearly foresaw the difficulty and danger of his position, for the partisans of Antigonus still retained much influence, and the people were strong in their attachment to the Asmonean dynasty. But the Idumæan had profited in the school of the Roman proscriptions, and selecting 45 of the most prominent partisans of Antigonus, he put them all to death, and confiscated their estates to liquidate the heavy debt he had contracted with Antigonus. He next wreaked his vengeance on the Sanhedrin, every member of which was executed save two only, Sameas and Pollio, who alone during the late siege had urged their countrymen to capitulate and receive him as king.

The question of the appointment to the high-priesthood next required to be disposed of. Hyrcanus was in captivity at Seleucia, where the Parthian Phraates treated him with every consideration, and allowed him to live at full liberty among many of his own nation, who had settled in that region. Herod sent an embassy requesting that his former patron might be permitted to return, and pretended a wish to recompense him for old kindnesses. The Jews in Seleucia easily divined his insidious designs. But the weak old man heeded not their council, and returned to Jerusalem. The mutilation of his ears by Antigonus rendered it impossible for him to hold the office of high-priest, and Herod, while treating him with much apparent respect, conferred the coveted post on Ananel, an obscure priest of the line of Aaron, whom he had summoned from Babylon.

But this selection was regarded with feelings of detestation by Aristobulus, his youthful brother-in-law, his wife Mariamne, and her mother-in-law, Alexandra. Well acquainted with Cleopatra, queen of Egypt, at whose court Antonius was now living in luxury and indolence, Alexandra began to address her complaints to her, and succeeded in awakening an interest in her favour. The secret correspondence coming to the ears of Herod, he forthwith deposed Ananel, and with great pomp installed Aristobulus in his stead. The people were delighted at his elevation, and when the handsome youth the descendant of their ancient princes appeared before them at the feast of Tabernacles B.C. 35, clad in the gorgeous robes of his office, they could not restrain the expression of their admiration, and their shouts of acclamation rent the air.

This sealed the doom of the unfortunate young man. Seeing in him a possible rival, and suspecting the designs of Alexandra, Herod resolved to compass his destruction, and an opportunity soon presented itself. At the close of the solemnities he repaired with the youthful high-priest to Jericho, where Alexandra had invited them to an entertainment. The day was close—sultry, even for that tropical region—and the two, with many of their retinue, betook themselves to the fish-ponds, for the purpose of bathing. At first the attendants alone plunged into the water, and Herod and the high-priest merely looked on. But as it grew dark, the king proposed that his companion should join the rest in the water, where several of the attendants, suborned for the purpose, plunged him under the water, and held him down till life was extinct. Next day it was announced at Jerusalem that Aristobulus had been accidentally drowned, and the spectacle of the dead body excited the wildest sorrow. Herod himself pretended the utmost grief. But neither the tears he shed, nor the magnificent funeral with which he honoured the young man’s remains, could divert the popular suspicion and indignation. Least of all could he deceive the bereaved mother. The grief of Alexandra was intense, and more than once she was on the point of laying violent hands upon herself. At length she resolved to appeal for the second time to the friendship of Cleopatra, and wrote her a full account of the treacherous deed. The Egyptian queen, herself a woman and a mother, moved by her touching story, would not let Antonius have any rest till he had promised that the matter should be investigated.

On his arrival, therefore, at the Syrian Laodicea B.C. 34, the triumvir sent to Herod, and demanded an explanation of the death of Aristobulus. Though Herod was well aware of the ill-will of Cleopatra towards himself, and of the risk he ran, he dared not disobey this summons, and resolved to go in person and plead his cause. Before setting out he entrusted to his uncle Joseph not only the government of Jerusalem, but the care also of the beautiful Mariamne, strictly enjoining him, in the event of his own death, to slay her rather than let her fall into the hands of Antonius. Having thus provided for the worst he departed, and, on his arrival at Laodicea, presented himself before the Roman and his Egyptian enchantress. Cleopatra, eager to add Judæa to her dominions, exhausted every expedient to ensure his ruin. But by his confidence, and still more by his lavish bribes, Herod succeeded in defeating her designs, and in clearing himself in the opinion of her paramour, so that Antonius not merely dismissed the charges against his favourite, but placed him by his side on his judicial throne, invited him to his luxurious banquets, and heaped upon him every mark of distinction.

Meanwhile very different events had occurred at Jerusalem. In an evil hour Joseph had revealed his secret instructions respecting Mariamne, and while she and Alexandra were indulging in transports of rage, a sudden rumour reached the city that Herod had failed in his mission, and been put to death. Instantly both mother and daughter took measures for seizing the supreme power, and Alexandra indulged the hope that the glorious beauty of her daughter might win the affections even of the paramour of Cleopatra. But in a moment all these schemes were dashed to the ground. Letters arrived announcing Herod’s complete success, and soon he himself appeared. His sister Salome, jealous of the charms of Mariamne, filled his mind with suspicions against her, which at first he refused to credit. But unhappily one day, as he was protesting his undying love, she chanced to inquire how, if he really loved her, he could have given the order for her execution. Furious at the discovery of his secret compact, he rushed from her arms, and was on the point of putting her to death with his own hand. Her loveliness, however, induced him to spare her, and he contented himself with ordering the instant execution of his uncle Joseph, and flinging Alexandra into prison with every mark of insult.

Chapter IV. Herod, King of Judæa. B.C. 34–24.

MEANWHILE the friendship between Octavius and Antonius had at length been broken, and the whole East rang with preparations for the coming contest between the triumvirs for the supremacy of the world. Herod raised a body of troops to assist Antonius, but the latter declined his aid, and being thus excused taking any prominent part in a doubtful struggle, he turned his arms against Malchus, king of Arabia. The artful designs of Cleopatra had involved him in this war. Already mistress of Cœlesyria, and of the palm-groves around Jericho by the concessions of her Roman lover, she cast longing eyes upon Judæa also. The Arabian king, emboldened by the rupture between the Roman triumvirs, had withheld the payment to her of his annual tribute, an insult which Antonius directed Herod to avenge. Seeing her opportunity, she urged Herod to embark in the war, hoping if he was successful to become mistress of Arabia, if unsuccessful, of Judæa.

But the Jews were exceedingly unwilling to undertake a war against a nation with whom they had no quarrel, and Herod was defeated in the first campaign with great loss. His troops were still more unwilling to engage a second time, but fortune came to his aid. A sudden earthquake convulsed the cities of southern Palestine, and destroyed in one day upwards of 30,000 of the inhabitants. Taking advantage of the consternation thus caused, the Arabs slew the Jewish ambassadors who had come to treat of peace. News of this treachery roused once more the martial spirit of the nation, and enabled Herod to win a signal triumph over his foes, and to reduce the country to subjection.

On his return from this expedition he received intelligence that his patron Antonius had been defeated in the decisive battle of Actium, B.C. 31, and had left the supremacy of the world to his rival Octavius. His first impulse was to urge the triumvir to seize Egypt, and put to death Cleopatra, the faithless cause of his misfortunes. But the infatuated Roman, rejecting this advice, followed his enchantress to Alexandria. There twelve months afterwards, deserted by his troops, and unable to come to any terms with Octavius, he fell upon his sword, and Cleopatra, rather than grace a Roman triumph, applied the fatal asp to her breast.

Herod’s fate once more seemed to tremble in the balance. But, equal to the emergency, he provided with characteristic energy and boldness an escape from his embarrassments. He first resolved to put Hyrcanus out of the way, as the last remnant of the Asmonean dynasty, and on a charge of a treasonable correspondence with the king of Arabia, dragged him before the Sanhedrin, and caused him to be executed. He next resolved to make a personal appeal to Octavius, and before he left sent his mother, sister, and children to Masada, and placed Mariamne in the fortress of Alexandrium, under the custody of faithful adherents, Soemus the Ituræan, and Joseph his steward, again enjoining that, in the event of his death, Mariamne should be instantly dispatched.

Then setting out for Rhodes he appeared before Octavius without the diadem, but with all the spirit and dignity of a king, and addressed him in a speech of the utmost freedom. He did not in the least disguise his friendship for the late triumvir. He had given him, he said, the best advice in urging him to put Cleopatra to death, and prosecute the war with vigour. But Antonius had rejected his counsels, and pursued a course ruinous to himself and beneficial only to his rival. If Octavius, seeing the steadiness of the speaker’s friendship towards his late foe, would honour him with his confidence, he might count on being served with the same steadiness and the same fidelity. His frankness completely won over the arbiter of the world, who restored to him the diadem, treated him with the greatest distinction, and assured him of his friendship and confidence.

Thus successful beyond his utmost expectations, Herod returned to Jerusalem. But the secret orders entrusted to the guardian of Mariamne had been again disclosed, and she met his greeting with coldness and aversion, and reproached him bitterly with the murder of her grandfather Hyrcanus. Herod’s anger was deeply roused, but for the present other and more public duties demanded his attention. Bent on the invasion and conquest of Egypt, Octavius passed through Syria and arrived at Ptolemais. Thither Herod went to meet him, presented him with 800 talents, and supplied provisions in great abundance for his troops. This still further conciliated the Roman’s favour, and on his return from Egypt, where the suicide of Antony and Cleopatra removed all obstructions to the reduction of the country to a Roman province, he not only conferred upon him the territory around Jericho, which had been ceded to the late Egyptian queen, but reannexed to his dominions the cities of Gadara, Hippo, and Samaria, together with the maritime towns Gaza, Joppa, and Strato’s Tower, B.C. 30.

But these successes did little towards compensating the Jewish king for the loss of the affections of Mariamne, who persisted in rejecting his caresses, and reproaching him with his cruelty towards her family. At this juncture the envious Salome suborned the royal cupbearer to accuse the queen of having bribed him to poison his master. This new accusation filled Herod with such rage that he ordered Mariamne’s favourite eunuch to be put to the rack. The wretched man denied all knowledge of the plot, but confessed that the secret orders given to Soemus had excited the queen’s hatred and disgust. Furious at what he deemed a second proof of her infidelity, Herod directed that Soemus should be instantly executed, and arraigned Mariamne before a tribunal of judges on a charge of adultery. The judges, too terrified to do any thing but obey his bidding, pronounced her guilty, and sentenced her to death. But though he had procured her condemnation, the tyrant shrunk from proceeding to her execution. His mother and sister, however, suffered him to have no rest, and so worked upon his feelings that at length he signed the fatal order for her execution, and Mariamne was led forth to die, B.C. 29.

But now a reaction set in. The terrible reality of the deed, combined with a sense of his own loss, so wrought upon his feelings, that he became the victim of the most violent remorse. “Everywhere, day and night, he was haunted by the image of the murdered queen; he called upon her by name; he perpetually burst into passionate tears; he ordered his servants to bring Mariamne to him, as though she were yet alive. In vain he tried every diversion,—banquets, revels, the excitements of society. A sudden pestilence breaking out, to which many of the noblest of his court and of his own personal friends fell a sacrifice, he recognised and trembled beneath the hand of the avenging Deity. On pretence of hunting he sought out the most melancholy solitude, till the disorder of his mind brought on a disorder of body, and he was seized with violent inflammation and pains in the back of his head, which led to temporary derangement.”

After lying in this state for some time in his palace at Samaria, he was at length partially restored to health, and came forth gloomy, stern, revengeful, more ready than ever to resort to cruelty and bloodshed. Alexandra was his first victim. Taking advantage of his malady she had again renewed her intrigues, and tried to gain possession of Jerusalem. She was now executed, together with Costobaras, governor of Idumæa and Gaza and husband of Salome, who was accused of harbouring some of the Asmonean dynasty, with many others of rank and influence.

Meanwhile, B.C. 27, the senate of Rome had conferred upon Octavius the title of Augustus, the august, the divine, and soon in every part of the empire temples began to rise in honour of the divinity of the Emperor. Herod resolved not to be behindhand in adulation towards his patron, and, all being now dead who had any claims to the crown, he devoted himself to the introduction of foreign customs into the country. Though fully aware of the intensely national feelings of his subjects, he resolved to lose no opportunity of breaking down the wall of partition between them and the surrounding nations.

He introduced, therefore, public exhibitions and spectacles of all kinds; erected a theatre within, an amphitheatre without, the walls of Jerusalem; instituted quinquennial games, which were celebrated on a scale of the most lavish magnificence; invited to his capital the professors of every kind of gymnastic exercises, and did not even shrink from exhibiting in the city of David shows of gladiators and combats with wild beasts.

The stricter Jews regarded with horror those innovations, but their indignation knew no bounds when, for the purpose of celebrating the victories of Octavius, he set up in his theatre complete suits of armour captured during the imperial wars. Nothing could persuade them to believe that these trophies did not conceal heathen images, and it was only when they had been taken to pieces, and the bare peg of wood exposed underneath, that their suspicions were removed. This raised a laugh, but the deepfelt exasperation of the majority was not removed. At length ten men formed a conspiracy to assassinate the king as he entered the theatre. The plot was betrayed, and they were put to death with the most cruel tortures. The people, sympathising with their sufferings, seized the informer who had betrayed the secret to Herod, tore him to pieces, and flung his flesh to the dogs. This roused the king in his turn to retaliate, and seizing the ringleaders he put them to death, together with their families, B.C. 25.

These risings, however, convinced him that his life was insecure, and he had recourse to various measures of precaution. He erected a palace on the impregnable hill of Sion; restored and enlarged the Baris, and named it Antonia, after his former patron. At the same time he rebuilt and founded various cities to serve as military ports and retreats on occasions of danger, such as Gaba in Galilee, and Heshbon in Peræa. Samaria also, which had been destroyed by John Hyrcanus, once more rose from its ruins, was surrounded with a wall, strongly fortified, and peopled with 6000 veterans devoted to the king’s interests. A temple also was erected within it, dedicated to the occupant of the imperial throne, in whose honour the city also was now called Sebaste, the August.

But Herod further resolved that his kingdom should have a naval harbour and a maritime city, whereby he might communicate more securely with the western world. A convenient point along the inhospitable coast-line of Palestine offered itself at a spot called Strato’s Tower, situated about 30 miles south of Mount Carmel, and 70 miles north-west of Jerusalem, on the line of the great road from Tyre to Egypt. To protect the shipping from the violent south-west winds, which blew along the coast, it was first necessary that a breakwater should be constructed. Accordingly enormous stones were sunk in deep water to form a mole 2000 feet in length. This supported a pier, 200 feet wide, defended by a wall and towers, and formed a sort of double harbour equal in size to the Piræus at Athens, and surrounded with broad landing wharves. The entrance was from the north, so that a vast fleet could ride at anchor with perfect safety. Above the harbour rose the city, built on the Greek model with a forum and amphitheatre, and called, in honour of the king’s friend on the imperial throne, Cæsarea. Upwards of 12 years were spent in the erection of this important maritime city.

Chapter V. Herod, King of Judæa. B.C. 24–14.

THUS Judæa seemed to be sinking more and more into the form of a Roman province, while Herod rivalled the other vassal kings of Rome in subservience to the master of the world. It was a saying that Cæsar assigned to him the next place in his favour to Agrippa, while Agrippa esteemed Herod higher than all his friends, except Augustus. The three vied with one another in mutual courtesies, and whenever either Cæsar or Agrippa visited the Eastern provinces, the Jewish king was sure to be first to pay his homage, and to assist with his personal support and advice.

In return for these attentions the Roman emperor was profuse in his concessions. When Herod sent his two elder sons by Mariamne, Alexander and Aristobulus, to Rome for their education, he received them into his palace and treated them with the utmost care and distinction. Moreover, besides the large addition he had already made to Herod’s territories, he now conceded to him the district east of the Lake of Gennesaret, known as Trachonitis, with Batanæa and Auranitis, and afterwards appointed him procurator of the province of Syria, and with such authority, that his colleagues in command could take no step without his concurrence. At the same time a tetrarchy was conferred on his brother Pheroras, and in memory of these concessions, Herod erected a splendid temple of white marble at Paneas, near the sources of the Jordan, and dedicated it to his benefactor.

But while the Jewish king was on terms of such intimate friendship with his imperial patron, his relations with his own subjects were far from satisfactory. In spite of the profuse liberality with which he had poured forth the contents of his treasury, and even parted with the silver plate of his table to satisfy their wants during a severe famine, B.C. 25, in spite also of his munificence in diminishing a third of the annual taxation, the murmurs of the populace against his rule could not be restrained.

Strong as was the party which favoured his designs and approved his policy, the majority of the nation regarded with undissembled suspicion and mistrust his numerous innovations, and the introduction of foreign rites and customs. In vain he forbade any assemblages of the citizens for feasting or deliberation; in vain he kept himself informed through his spies of all who disapproved of his government, threw them into prison, and sometimes punished them with death; in vain he tried to compel all his subjects to take an oath of fidelity towards himself and his dynasty; he could not control the opposition of the powerful Pharisaic faction, or check the general feeling of disaffection.

At length, B.C. 20, he determined on a measure which he trusted might have the effect at once of giving employment to large numbers, and winning the favour of the nation. He resolved to rebuild the Temple.

Since the construction of the second Temple by Zorobabel that structure had suffered much from dilapidation, and bore unmistakeable traces of the assaults of various armies. The evident need, therefore, of renewal, induced the king to hope that no obstacle would be put in the way of his design. But on laying his project before the assembled people, he found that it was regarded with little favour and greater suspicion. Under pretence of rebuilding, many believed he really intended to destroy their national sanctuary.

Great caution was therefore needed, and everything was done that could be devised to allay the popular mistrust. Vast preparations were made before a single stone of the old building was removed, and two years were spent in bringing together all the materials; 1000 waggons were constructed for the purpose of bearing stones for the building, and upwards of 10,000 of the most skilful workmen, superintended by 1000 Levites, who had been taught the arts of carpentry and stone-cutting, were employed on the works.

In the 20th year of Herod’s reign, or B.C. 18, the erection of the new structure began. The foundations of the Temple of Zorobabel were removed, and on those laid by Solomon the new pile arose, built of hard white stones of enormous size. The Porch, Holy Place, and Holy of Holies, were completed in a year and a half; the rest of the pile, with the courts and cloisters, in eight years more, so as to be fit for the actual services of religion, but the whole structure was not finally completed till A.D. 65.

On the highest level of the rocky platform stood the Temple itself, divided as in the days of Solomon, and covered with plates of gold, which shone like a meteor under the rays of the sun, so that the eye could hardly bear to rest upon them. Twelve steps below was a second level, occupied by the Court of the Priests, with the Great Laver, and the Altar of Burnt-offering. Three flights of steps below this was the Court of the Israelites, with the houses of the priests, the various offices, and hall of the Sanhedrin. Fourteen steps more led down to the Court of the Gentiles, which was hardly regarded as a part of the Temple, and was open to men of all nations and became a kind of exchange and market-place.

While the Sanctuary had been left to the care of the priests, Herod exhausted all his taste on this Court of the Gentiles. “Cloisters ran round the wall on the inner side, sustained on rows of columns exquisitely wrought, the capitals being ornamented with the acanthus and waterleaf, as in the famous Tower of the Winds. West, north, and east these columns were in three rows; on the south they were in four. The floor made a shaded walk, like the colonnade in Venice, and the roof an open walk like the gallery of Genoa. The pavement was inlaid with marbles of many colours. Leading into this Court from the city and the country were many noble gates; one of these on the Eastern side, facing the Mount of Olives, was called Solomon’s Porch, and a second near by it was called the Beautiful Gate.”

Immediately after the completion of the Sanctuary, which was commemorated with lavish sacrifices and splendid feasts, Herod set out for Rome, to bring back his sons Alexander and Aristobulus. On his arrival in the imperial city, he was received by Augustus with every mark of regard, and returned with his two sons apparently in the spring of the year B.C. 15. During the autumn his friend Agrippa visited Judæa, and Herod shewed him his new cities, Sebaste and Cæsarea, and the fortresses of Alexandrium, Herodium, and Hyrcania. Then conducting him to Jerusalem, he entertained him at a sumptuous banquet, while the people welcomed the great minister of Augustus with acclamations, and Agrippa offered a sacrifice of 100 oxen in the Temple, and feasted the subjects of the Jewish king at a splendid entertainment.

Chapter VI. Herod, King of Judæa. B.C. 15–4.

BUT the return of the young princes, Alexander and Aristobulus, from Rome was the signal for a scene of bloodshed, still more awful than that which had darkened the beginning of Herod’s reign.

The monarch married them, Alexander to Glaphyra, daughter of Archelaus, king of Cappadocia; Aristobulus to Berenice, the daughter of his sister Salome. The grace and beauty of the young men, added to their descent through their mother from the great Asmonean house, made them objects of the utmost interest to the people, and they were regarded as the future rulers of Palestine.

The popular favour, however, which they thus attracted, aroused the keenest hatred of Salome and Pheroras. Conscious of the part they had played in the execution of Mariamne, they looked with dismay at the future elevation of the young princes. Taking advantage, therefore, of some incautious expressions they chanced to let fall respecting the execution of their mother, they began by circulating rumours that the young men were bent on avenging their mother’s death, and bore no goodwill towards the king. For some time Herod refused even to listen to these rumours. But before long they acquired fresh strength and consistency, and to check their pride, he sent for Antipater, the son of his first wife Doris, and set him up as a foil to the aspirations and popularity of Alexander and Aristobulus.

Salome had thus a ready tool for prosecuting her cunning designs, and as Herod had permission from Augustus to appoint whom he pleased as his successor, the two together bent all their efforts towards alienating him from the sons of Mariamne.

In the beginning of B.C. 13, the king went to join Agrippa at Sinope, and attended him through Paphlagonia, Cappadocia, Phrygia, and Ionia, to Ephesus. On this occasion he introduced Antipater to his powerful friend, and sent him in his train on a visit to Rome, with many costly presents and an introduction to Augustus. Even at Rome the crafty Idumæan did not remit his machinations against his rivals, but in every letter to his father dropped something to the discredit of the sons of Mariamne, veiling his real designs under pretence of great anxiety for Herod’s security.

By these artful means the suspicions of the king were at length raised to such a pitch, that he resolved on formally accusing his sons before the tribunal of Augustus. Accordingly, B.C. 11, he conducted them to Rome, and in the presence of the emperor charged them with designs upon his life. Augustus perceived that the accusation rested only on hearsay and suspicion, and after hearing the case succeeded in reconciling the young men to their father, and the three, accompanied by Antipater, returned to Jerusalem apparently on terms of amity and goodwill.

On regaining his capital, Herod convened an assembly of the people, introduced to them his three sons, and formally announced his design that they should succeed him in the order of their birth, first Antipater, then Alexander, and lastly Aristobulus. But this arrangement was satisfactory to no one. The sons of Mariamne were indignant that the right of primogeniture should have been confined to Antipater, while Antipater was indignant that they should obtain honours even second to his own.

While the jealousies in the royal household were thus for a short time hushed, the building of the new and magnificent city of Cæsarea was completed, B.C. 10. This event was celebrated with an imposing ceremonial, with shows, games, exhibitions of gladiators, and sumptuous entertainments, to which the wife of Cæsar herself contributed largely. Other cities now arose in honour of different members of Herod’s family. Antipatris, between Cæsarea and Lydda, preserved the name of his father Antipater; Cypron, near Jericho, of his mother Cyprus; Phasaelis, in the plain near the same city, of his brother Phasael.

But soon the quarrels in the royal household broke out afresh. With a strange lack of caution, the sons of Mariamne again indulged their dissatisfaction by the use of intemperate language, which the artful Antipater managed to report to Herod, exaggerated or distorted, as best suited his purpose. Knowing not whom to trust, the king had no rest night or day. At length he ordered some of the confidential slaves of the young princes to be put to the torture, and they, to obtain relief from their agony, made false declarations respecting Alexander, who was immediately flung into prison and loaded with chains.

There the wretched young man had recourse to a strange expedient. He sent four papers to his father, in which he accused himself of all kinds of treasonable practices, but added that Pheroras, Salome, and several of the king’s most intimate friends, were his accomplices. The whole court was now a scene of suspicion and distrust. Herod knew not which way to look or whom to believe. In a state of phrenzy he day after day caused persons of all grades to be apprehended; some of these he executed; others he tortured to compel them to confess, and with such severity that several of them died under the hands of their tormentors. In the midst of these troubles, Archelaus, king of Cappadocia, and father-in-law of Alexander, arrived at Jerusalem, and succeeded in obtaining his release, and restoration to Herod’s favour.

But the lull was only temporary. A few months had barely elapsed before Salome and Pheroras, regaining all their old ascendancy, poisoned the king’s mind with suspicions. Unable to trust any one around him, Herod once more had recourse to Augustus, and poured forth the bitterest complaints against the sons of Mariamne. In reply, the emperor advised him to summon a council of sovereigns at Berytus, with Volumnius and Saturninus the prefects of Syria, and formally arraign the young men before them.

Acting on this advice, Herod thereupon summoned a council of princes. Upwards of 150 met together, and before them he pleaded his own cause, examined witnesses, read documents, and accused his sons with the utmost vehemence. After hearing the charge, Saturninus expressed himself in favour of mercy; Volumnius and the majority for condemnation. For a short time Herod appeared to hesitate, but the malice of Salome eventually had its reward, and the young men were strangled at Sebaste, B.C. 6.

But they had scarcely perished before Herod found himself exposed to a far more terrible danger. Pheroras had married a slave, who attached herself to the powerful Pharisaic party. For the second time the king ordered the members of this influential sect to take the oath of allegiance to Augustus and himself. Upwards of 600 positively refused, and were sentenced to pay heavy fines. These the wife of Pheroras instantly liquidated out of her own property, and the Pharisees, grateful for such kindness, began to whisper that God intended the kingdom for her and her husband.

Salome announced these signs of disaffection to Herod, who instantly executed the ringleaders of the Pharisees, and ordered Pheroras to put away his wife. This his brother absolutely declined to do, and retired to his own tetrarchy in Peræa, while the wily Antipater contrived to get himself summoned to Rome.

Shortly afterwards Pheroras sickening, Herod came to visit him, and on his death gave him a magnificent funeral. He was scarcely buried before rumours of foul play were bruited about. To ascertain their truth, Herod ordered a strict examination of the female slaves of his brother’s wife, and under the agonies of torture a horrible secret came to light.

Antipater, for whom Herod had strangled the sons of Mariamne, whom he had designed as his successor, had been associated with Pheroras in a plot against his life, and his brother’s widow was in possession of a subtle poison, with which it had been intended to take him off on the first opportunity. Thereupon she was examined, acknowledged her guilt, and immediately after flung herself from the roof of the house. The fall, however, was not fatal, and being brought before Herod, she recounted the whole history of the plot, adding that his kindness to her husband on his death-bed had caused him to relent, and he had bidden her fling the poison into the fire. This she had done, and had reserved only a small portion, which was now produced.

Just at this juncture, a freedman of Antipater’s arrived from Rome, with letters for the king, accusing Archelaus and Philip of disaffection towards their father. The man was instantly placed upon the rack, and confessed that he had brought another phial of poison, which he was to entrust to Pheroras, in the event of the first not proving successful. The proofs of this dark treachery being thus complete, Herod wrote to Antipater requesting his instant return, and at the same time gave orders that the roads should be strictly guarded, and that not a word should be allowed to drop respecting what had transpired at Jerusalem.

Triumphing in the success of his base intrigues, and confident of his succession to the throne, Antipater had already set out, and arrived at Celenderis in Pamphylia. News of the death of Pheroras had reached him at Tarentum, and excited some misgivings, but, contrary to the advice of many of his friends, he continued his journey and entered the port of Cæsarea.

Here his fears were still more excited. The crowded harbour appeared like a solitude. Not a soul approached to salute or congratulate him on his return. The few who did meet him turned aside, or looked on, as if they now dared to shew the hatred they had long borne towards him. Every one seemed in possession of some dark secret, of which he alone was ignorant.

Dissembling, however, his fears, he pressed on, for it was too late to fly, and reaching Jerusalem, hurried to his father’s palace. At the gates his retinue was denied entrance, and with Herod he found Quintilius Varus the prefect. Advancing to salute the king, he was angrily repelled, informed of the charge against him, and told that his trial would take place on the morrow before the prefect.

Accordingly, on the next day the accusers appeared. The evidence of his guilt was conclusive. The cup of poison was brought in, and a criminal under sentence of death being ordered to drink it, expired on the spot. Antipater was condemned and placed in bonds, but Herod delayed the execution of the sentence, till the will of Augustus could be ascertained.

By this time the king was 70 years of age, and being seized with a severe illness, removed for the sake of change of air to Jericho, and resolved to make the final alterations in his will. Passing over Archelaus and Philip, whom Antipater had accused of disaffection, he nominated Antipas as his successor in the kingdom, and bestowed rich donations of money and lands upon Salome, and other members of his own family.

But during his absence fresh symptoms of disaffection appeared amongst his subjects. Of all his numerous innovations, none had irritated the Jews more than the placing of a large golden eagle, the emblem of Roman power, over the principal gate of the Temple. Two of the most learned rabbis, Judas and Matthias, resolved to have it removed. Accordingly they instigated some daring and fanatical youths to take down the offensive symbol. Emboldened by a sudden rumour of the death of Herod, the young men lowered themselves by ropes from the roof, and cut away the eagle with hatchets. They could never have hoped to execute so daring a deed with impunity, and being apprehended and brought before Herod, boldly avowed their guilt, and gloried in the success of the feat. Dissembling his anger, the king assembled the chiefs of the nation at Jericho, and reproaching them bitterly for their ingratitude after all the favours he had bestowed upon them, ordered the instigators of the deed to be burned alive.

In the meantime his disorder had made rapid progress. A slow fire seemed to consume his vital parts. His appetite became ravenous, but he dared not gratify it on account of dreadful pains and internal ulcers, which preyed on the lower parts of his body. Moreover his breathing became difficult, and violent spasms convulsed his frame, and imparted supernatural strength to his limbs. But in spite of these accumulated sufferings he still clung to life, and cherishing hopes of recovery caused himself to be conveyed across the Jordan to Callirrhoë, hoping to obtain relief from its warm bituminous baths. Arrived there, the physicians advised that he should be fomented with warm oil. For this purpose, he was lowered into a vessel filled with that fluid, when his eyes relaxed, and he suddenly fell back as if dead. Roused, however, by the cries of his physicians, he revived, and was conveyed back to Jericho, where, as if defying death, he devised a new atrocity. Knowing the joy his death would cause, he gave instructions that the men of distinction from every town in Judæa should be assembled in the hippodrome, and secretly confided to Salome his pleasure that they should be butchered immediately upon his decease, that thus his funeral might at least be signalized by a real mourning.

He had scarcely given these orders, when his messengers returned from Rome, and announced the ratification of the sentence against Antipater. Instantly the tyrant’s desire for life revived, but being as quickly followed by a sudden racking pain, he called for an apple and a knife, and in an unguarded moment tried to stab himself. He might have succeeded had not an attendant seized his hand. The clamour that followed reached the ears of Antipater, who was in bonds in a neighbouring apartment. Thinking his father was dead, he made a desperate effort to escape by bribing his guards. Informed of this Herod instantly ordered a spearman to dispatch him on the spot. Antipater having thus paid the penalty of his life of treachery, the king once more amended his will, nominated his eldest son Archelaus as his successor to the throne, and appointed Antipas tetrarch of Galilee and Peræa, Herod Philip tetrarch of Auranitis, Trachonitis, and Batanæa, and Salome mistress of Jamnia and some other towns. Five days more of excruciating agony remained to the tyrant, and then he expired, after a reign of 34 years.