Part III. The Church of the Gentiles

A Map to illustrate THE APOSTOLIC HISTORY.

London and New York: Macmillan & Co.
Stanford’s Geographl Estabt. London

SECTION I. First Missionary Tour of Paul and Barnabas.

Chapter I. Cyprus, Perga, the Pisidian Antioch. A.D. 45, 46.

THE martyrdom of Stephen exercised, as we have seen, an important influence on the development of the Church, scattering the disciples over heathen lands. The martyrdom of James the son of Zebedee marks a no less important epoch. It seems to have been the signal for the withdrawal of the Apostles from Jerusalem. The special work assigned there to Peter, the Apostle of the Circumcision, was over. He had founded the Church, opened its gates to Jews and Gentiles, and laid down the conditions of their admission. Consigning, therefore, the direction of the Christian society in Jerusalem to James the Lord’s brother (Gal. i. 19), the Apostles departed to enter upon wider fields of action.

After completing the object of their journey, and proving the fellowship that existed between the disciples in Syria and Palestine, Saul and Barnabas, accompanied by a kinsman of the latter, John surnamed Mark, returned to Antioch. In the Syrian metropolis the three were joined by other teachers, Simeon, surnamed Niger, Lucius of Cyrene, and Manaen a foster-brother of Herod the tetrarch (Acts xiii. 1), and together they continued to instruct and build up the Church. At length while, on one occasion, they were engaged in a solemn service of prayer and fasting, the Holy Ghost intimated, probably through one or more of the prophets then present (Acts xiii. 2), that Barnabas and Saul should be set apart to accomplish a special work, for which they had been called.

In accordance with this intimation, after a solemn religious service (Acts xiii. 3), the hands of the chief members of the church at Antioch were laid upon the two, and accompanied by Mark they repaired to Seleucia, and thence sailed to Cyprus, where amongst their connections and friends it might be expected that Barnabas and his kinsman might labour with good results, and where there was already the nucleus of a Christian Church.

After a few hours’ sail, therefore, they reached Salamis, the eastern port and ancient capital of the island, and preached the word in its synagogues, of which there appear to have been several. Thence they travelled to Paphos, at the south-western extremity of Cyprus, the seat of the Roman government and the residence of the proconsul, Sergius Paulus. At his court was one of those Jewish sorcerers, whom we have already seen encountering the Apostle Peter in Samaria, named Bar-jesus, or, as he called himself in Arabic, Elymas, the wise (Acts xiii. 8). Provoked at the willingness of the proconsul to listen to the preaching of the newly-arrived teachers, he offered a strenuous opposition to his wishes. But Saul, or, as he is now for the first time called Paul, fixed his eyes upon him, and in the plenitude of that power which he possessed from the Holy Ghost, sternly rebuked him for thus seeking to pervert the right ways of the Lord, and denounced an instantaneous judgment: the hand of the Lord should be upon him, and he should be blind, nor see the sun for a season. This privation, which the Apostle had himself experienced, was instantly inflicted on the sorcerer, and he had to seek the aid of others in going from place to place (Acts xiii. 11). Such a vivid exhibition of miraculous power produced a deep impression upon the proconsul, and he believed, being astonished at the doctrine of the Lord (Acts xiii. 12).

From Paphos the three sailed in a north-westerly direction to the harbour of Attaleia in Pamphylia, and thence up the river Cestrus 6 or 7 miles inland to the town of Perga (Acts xiii. 13). Here Mark, either yearning after the home he had left at Jerusalem, or affrighted by the perils he was likely to encounter, departed from his companions, and returned to Jerusalem, while the others pressed on alone to Antioch in Pisidia, a town of considerable importance, having been built by the founder of the Syrian Antioch, and since then advanced by Augustus to the dignity of a Roman colony.

The population of the Pisidian Antioch was mixed, consisting of Greeks, Romans, and native Pisidians, but the influence of the Jews was considerable, and they had succeeded in making not a few converts. Having waited, therefore, for the ensuing Sabbath, Paul and Barnabas repaired to the synagogue, and after the regular service were bidden by the president of the synagogue, if they had any word of exhortation, to address those assembled (Acts xiii. 15).

Thereupon Paul rose up, and beckoning with his hand delivered his first address of which we have any record. Like the discourse he had himself heard from the lips of Stephen, it was based on the history of the Jewish nation. The call of Abraham, the Wanderings in the wilderness, the occupation of Canaan, the period of the Judges, the election of the first King, the accession of David; all these important events were touched upon in their order (Acts xiii. 16–22). Of David’s seed, he then proceeded, God had promised (2 Sam. vii. 12) to raise up a Saviour, and this promise he had fulfilled. Duly heralded by His predicted Forerunner (Acts xiii. 24, 25), the promised Saviour had appeared in the person of Jesus. The rulers, indeed, of Jerusalem, not knowing Him, or the real meaning of the words of the prophets read in their ears every Sabbath-day, had constrained Pilate to put Him to death, had crucified, and laid Him in a sepulchre; but God had raised him from the dead, and He had been seen after His resurrection, not by strangers, but by those familiar with His person, who had been His companions from Galilee to Jerusalem (Acts xiii. 26–31), who were His witnesses to the people of Israel. By His death and resurrection He had truly accomplished the ancient prophecies, which could not refer to their forefather David (who was dead, and had long mouldered in the tomb); and now through Him was offered to all the forgiveness of sins, even of those from which they could not have been delivered by the Law of Moses.

Such was the purport of the Apostle’s first recorded sermon. Its immediate effect was a deep impression upon those who heard it. As they left the synagogue many besought the Apostles that these words might be repeated in their hearing on the next Sabbath, and not a few, both Jews and proselytes, accompanied them from the synagogue, and listened to their exhortations that having received the word they would not let it slip, but continue steadfastly in the grace of God (Acts xiii. 43).

Accordingly when the next Sabbath came round almost the whole city was assembled to hear the word, multitudes of Gentiles pressing in with the Jews and proselytes. This was more than the stricter section of the Jews could bear, and filled with envy at the assembly of so many strangers, they made an uproar, and opposed the word spoken by Paul with contradictions and even blasphemy (Acts xiii. 45).

Their opposition only nerved the Apostles with still greater boldness, and they openly proclaimed the course they would now adopt. In accordance with their Master’s directions, they had addressed themselves first to members of their own nation, but since they despised their message, and deemed themselves unworthy of eternal life, they would turn to the Gentiles. This declaration many of the latter then present received with joy, and became believers, so that the word of the Lord was published abroad through the whole region (Acts xiii. 49).

This success provoked still greater opposition. Through the female proselytes in the city the Jews gained the ear of the chief authorities, and succeeded in raising a storm of persecution against the Apostles, and expelling them beyond the limits of the colony (Acts xiii. 50). They did not leave it, however, without a solemn protest against the impiety of its inhabitants. In obedience to their Master’s directions, they shook off the dust of their feet against them, and while, in spite of the persecution that had been raised, the little band of Christians were filled with joy and the Holy Ghost (Acts xiii. 52), they proceeded to cross the barren uplands which separate Antioch from the plain of Iconium.

Chapter II. Visit to Lystra, Derbe—Disputes at Antioch. A.D. 48–50.

ON reaching Iconium, as they had done at Antioch, the Apostles repaired to the synagogue, and there proclaimed their message with such success, that a great multitude both of Jews and Gentiles embraced the faith. Thereupon the unbelieving Jews repeated the tactics already found so successful at Antioch. They excited the minds of the Gentile population against the brethren, and stirred up a furious opposition (Acts xiv. 2). On this occasion, however, the Apostles did not feel themselves called to leave the city immediately. They remained at Iconium some considerable time, and spoke boldly in the Name of their Divine Master, who attested the truth of their words by many miracles and signs. In the end the population was divided. The one, including the influential classes, sided with the Jews, the other with the Apostles. At length a conspiracy was formed with the connivance of the magistrates (Acts xiv. 5) to insult and even stone them, and Paul and Barnabas, recognising the signal to leave, betook themselves to the neighbouring Lycaonian towns, Lystra and Derbe.

Lystra was the place first visited, and here there was no synagogue, and apparently but few Jews. It was a small town in a wild district and amongst a rude population speaking a dialect of their own, and serving the gods many and lords many of primitive heathenism. The Apostles therefore could only make known their message by repairing to places of public resort, and addressing themselves to such groups as curiosity or interest might gather together. On one of these occasions, a man, who had been a cripple from his birth (Acts xiv. 8), and who probably sat for alms in the public thoroughfare, listened to them with deep attention. Thereupon the Apostle Paul, moved with compassion, and probably sensible of the necessity of some miracle to attest his authority, as also perceiving that the man had faith to be healed, fixed his eye upon him and addressing him in a loud voice, said, Stand upright on thy feet. In an instant the man sprang up, and leaped, and walked.

Such a cure of such a man in such a manner was speedily noised abroad, and the multitudes gathering together no sooner saw what had been done, than they lifted up their voices, saying in their native Lycaonian dialect, The gods are come down to us in the likeness of men (Acts xiv. 11). That the gods, in the form of mortal men, did often visit the earth, was a cherished belief amongst many heathen nations, and nowhere more than in the very district now visited by the Apostles. The tutelar deity of Lystra was Zeus, Jupiter, and at the entrance of the town he had a temple, where he was worshipped as its founder and protector. The inhabitants therefore rushed to the conclusion, that in the Apostle Barnabas, probably in consequence of his venerable appearance, they beheld none other than the “father of gods and men,” while in his companion, who was the chief speaker, they thought they recognised Hermes, or Mercury, the god of eloquence, and the frequent companion of Jupiter on his visits to earth.

The news that these deities had honoured Lystra with their presence quickly spread, and reached the ears of the priest of Jupiter. Accordingly he and his assistants soon appeared with oxen and garlands before the residence of the Apostles, prepared to offer sacrifice in their honour. Perceiving for the first time the object of these proceedings, Paul and Barnabas rushed forth from their abode, and meeting the procession approaching the vestibule, exclaimed, Sirs, what do ye? we also are men of like passions with you. And then they went on to declare the real purport of their coming, which was to persuade them to turn from the worship of such false gods, to the living and life-giving God, the Maker of heaven, and earth, and the sea, and all things that are therein, who in the past generations had permitted all nations to walk in their own ways, interposing not by any visible judgment or by any world-wide revelation, but who had not left Himself without witness, doing good to the creatures of His hand, giving rain from heaven and fruitful seasons, filling their hearts with joy and gladness (Acts xiv. 15–17).

Even this appeal hardly prevailed upon the people to abandon their intentions. At length they reluctantly retired, and led away the victims without offering them in sacrifice to the Apostles. The impression, however, thus made was on the surface only, and was soon to give place to an entire revulsion of feeling. It had become known at Antioch and Iconium, whither the Apostles had retired. From both places, therefore, certain of the Jews made their way to Lystra, and stirred up the minds of the people against their newly-arrived visitors, representing, it is not improbable, that they were impostors, and practised magical arts. Thereupon, with the fickleness for which they were proverbial, the Lycaonians turned upon the men they had so lately been willing to adore, and actually stoned Paul, and supposing him to be dead dragged him forth out of their town.

Some disciples, however, had been made even in Lystra, and these did not now desert their teacher in the hour of peril. While they were standing around him, and probably using means for his restoration, the Apostle arose, and returned with them to his abode. A longer stay was clearly dangerous, and therefore on the morrow he and his companion left for the neighbouring town of Derbe, and thence, having preached the Word and made several disciples (Acts xiv. 21), they returned through the several towns they had visited, exhorting the disciples to abide constant in the faith, and reminding them that through much affliction they must enter the kingdom of God. Moreover in the several churches they had established they now appointed elders, and after prayer and fasting, solemnly presented them before the Lord (Acts xiv. 23). Thence they proceeded to Perga, and after preaching the Word there, to the sea-port of Attaleia. There they took ship, and sailing to Seleucia reached Antioch, and on their arrival summoned the brethren, and announced to them the success of their mission, and the many proofs they had witnessed that God had opened the door of faith to the Gentiles (Acts xiv. 27).

Arrived at Antioch, the Apostles continued there for some time, A.D. 47–50, strengthening and confirming the faith of the Church, and during their stay began that contest with the Judaizing Christians with which St Paul was destined to be so largely occupied.

It had by this time become clear that the Christian faith, instead of being the purest and highest form of Judaism, was to prove itself a world-wide universal religion, and that its Jewish elements were to be absorbed and vanish away. In every nation and in every place, at Joppa, at Cæsarea, at Antioch, in rude village-towns like Lystra and Derbe, as well as populous cities like Perga and Iconium, it was seen that God accepted without respect of persons those that feared Him and worked righteousness (Acts x. 34, 35).

Such a revolution of feeling towards the Gentile world could not be at once received with entire acquiescence. At Jerusalem, in sight of the Temple, and in the midst of all the associations of his faith and national history, the exclusive feelings, which the Jew carried with him wherever he went, were concentrated and intensified. Hitherto there had been no attempt to define the mutual relations of Jewish and Gentile converts. “All such questions, it would seem, had been tacitly passed over, neither side perhaps being desirous of provoking discussion.” Events, however, now occurred, which rendered necessary a solution of the question.

Certain false brethren (Gal. ii. 12) went down from Judæa to Antioch (Acts xv. 1), and creeping in unawares, began to observe with no favourable eye the extent to which the Jewish Law was relaxed in favour of the Gentile Christians, and their liberty in Christ Jesus vindicated (Gal. ii. 4). Before long they began to insinuate, not that the observance of certain ceremonies in themselves indifferent was advisable for the sake of expediency, but that the rite of circumcision was essential for salvation; Except ye be circumcised, said they to the Gentile Christians, ye cannot be saved (Acts xv. 1).

To such a doctrine no one was more opposed than the Apostle Paul. To the subjection which these teachers required, he would not advise his Gentile converts to yield, no, not for an hour (Gal. ii. 5). The consequence was, that no small dissension and disputation arose between himself and Barnabas on the one hand, and the false teachers on the other, and no slight anxiety and perplexity harassed the minds of the disciples.

At length it was resolved that he and Barnabas with certain others should go up to Jerusalem, and seek an interview with the Apostles and Elders, with the object of settling the dispute. Any hesitation the Apostle might have felt about the expediency of the course proposed was removed by a special revelation (Gal. ii. 2) which conspired with the declared view of the church at Antioch, and intimated to him that the journey found favour with God, and that an authoritative settlement of the question was necessary to the well-being of the Christian churches.

Accordingly he himself, accompanied by Barnabas, a Jew and a Levite by birth, and therefore a fair representative of the circumcision, Titus, a living example of the power of God among the heathen, and some of the Christian brethren of the towns through which they passed, set out on their memorable journey.

Chapter III. The Council at Jerusalem. A.D. 50.

FOLLOWING the coast-line of Phœnicia, and then traversing the midland districts of Samaria and Judæa, the deputation from the church at Antioch proclaimed in every town they entered the conversion of the Gentiles, and caused great joy among all the brethren (Acts xv. 3). On their arrival at Jerusalem they were welcomed by the Apostles present, as also by the elders, and recounted to them all that God had done by their instrumentality amongst the Gentiles. Very soon, however, the Pharisaic section in the Church which the emissaries at Antioch represented, put forward their objections. They rose up and insisted that the Gentile converts should be circumcised and instructed to conform to the Mosaic Law (Acts xv. 5). Their sentiments, put forward with such determination, revealed the importance of the crisis, and it was resolved that a formal assembly of the church should be convened.

In the interval, knowing how much depended on the decision now invoked, the Apostle Paul held private interviews(Gal. ii. 2) with the more prominent members of the Church, and especially with James, Peter and John, the great Pillars of the new society, and used every effort to remove the prejudices against the reception of heathen converts without conforming to the requirements of the Law, and to avoid misunderstanding as to the great principle he had proclaimed wherever he had preached—the freedom of the Gentile churches.

At length the council met, and consisted of the Apostles, elders, and general body of disciples. The debate was earnest, and led to much disputing (Acts xv. 7), in the midst of which Peter rose up, and reminded his hearers that these recent converts in Syria and Cilicia were not the first Gentile believers. “He himself had been chosen some years before to preach the word to ‘those without’ and admit them into the Christian Church, and God who knoweth the hearts had shewn that He was no respecter of persons, for He had bestowed upon them the same miraculous gifts as upon the Jews, and had purified their hearts by faith. In the face of these facts, then, he for his part could not believe it was right to tempt God by laying upon the necks of the new converts a yoke which neither they themselves nor their fathers had been able to bear, and from which they had only been delivered by the salvation offered through faith in Jesus Christ (Acts xv. 11).”

This address of the Great Apostle of the circumcision was received with attention by the Council, and in the midst of the general silence (Acts xv. 12) Paul and Barnabas rose, and were eagerly listened to while they recounted in a continued narrative what God had wrought by their instrumentality among the Gentiles in Antioch and Cyprus and the cities of Pamphylia and Lycaonia, and declared how He had attested their labours by the signs and wonders which He had enabled them to perform (Acts xv. 12).

When they had concluded, another speaker arose to address the assembly. This was James, the brother of the Lord, to whom the direction of the Church at Jerusalem had apparently been committed. No man was more calculated to command the earnest attention and deference of all present. Austere and inflexibly upright, so that both Jews and Christians called him James the Just, resembling not only in the earnestness of his exhortations, but even in his outward garb, the Baptist or one of the prophets of the older Dispensation, he might be expected to conciliate even the Pharisaic section in the Council.

He began by reminding those present of the reality of the conversion of the household of Cornelius to which Peter had alluded (Acts xv. 14). This taking of a people from amongst the Gentiles was not contrary to, but a direct fulfilment of, the words of ancient prophecy (Amos ix. 11, 12), which foretold that the tabernacle of David should be gloriously revived, and the worship of Jehovah extended to all nations. What, therefore, had occurred in Syria and Cilicia, in Pamphylia and Lycaonia, need not excite any astonishment. God, to whom all things are known from the beginning, was but fulfilling His eternal counsels, and the words He had Himself spoken by the mouth of His holy prophets. His judgment, therefore, was that they should not trouble the minds of believers from amongst the Gentiles, or lay upon them any obligations beyond those necessary to ensure peace and goodwill amongst them and their Jewish brethren. The latter from ancient times and from immemorial usage were wont to hear the Law read in their synagogues every Sabbath-day, and any direct violation of its vital principles could not fail to give the deepest offence. He advised, therefore, that the Gentile converts should be required to abstain (1) from that which had been polluted by being offered in sacrifice to idols; (2) from the flesh of animals which had been strangled; (3) from the eating of blood; (4) from fornication, and those licentious orgies, which were so closely connected with heathen sacrificial feasts, and nowhere more than in the centres of those very countries about which they had been speaking, the sanctuaries of Antioch and Paphos.

These sentiments found acceptance with the majority. Titus was not compelled to submit to circumcision (Gal. ii. 3), and the course adopted by Paul was entirely approved by the other Apostles. James, Peter, and John, who had the reputation of being Pillars of the truth, gave to him and Barnabas the right hands of fellowship (Gal. ii. 9), and agreed to recognise unreservedly his independent mission to the heathen as well as their own to the Jews (Gal. ii. 9). One condition only was annexed, that in his journeys among the Gentiles and the dispersed Jews he would not forget the wants and the sufferings of the poorer brethren at Jerusalem.

Thus the dispute was settled, and a circular letter (Acts xv. 23) was drawn up embodying the views of the Council. This was entrusted to Paul and Barnabas, and they accompanied by certain chief men among the brethren (Acts xv. 22), Judas surnamed Barsabas and Silas or Silvanus, returned to Antioch, and the whole body of the disciples having been assembled, read it in their ears. Great was the joy manifested at the contents, and no less welcome the consolation after so much discussion and perplexity (Acts xv. 31), which was in no small degree increased by the fact that Judas and Silas, being both “prophets,” exhorted and confirmed the brethren in the enjoyment of that free and unfettered liberty now assured to them. After some days they returned to Jerusalem, but Paul and Barnabas prolonged their stay in the Syrian capital, and together with many others proclaimed the message of Redemption, and employed themselves in the general work of Christian instruction (Acts xv. 35).

During their stay, for some reason which is not specified, Peter came down to Antioch (Gal. ii. 11). At first he lived in free and social intercourse with the Gentile converts, met them on terms of equality, and ate with them at the Agapæ and on other occasions, in the true spirit of the recent decree, and as he had done in the house of Cornelius (Gal. ii. 12). Before long, however, there arrived from Jerusalem certain brethren, either deputed by James on some special mission, “or invested with some powers from him, which they abused” (Gal. ii. 12). They brought with them their old Pharisaic repugnance against intercourse with uncircumcised heathen, and awed by their presence the Apostle of the Circumcision began timidly to withdraw and separate himself from those whom he had lately met on free and equal terms.

Such conduct roused the deepest indignation in the heart of Paul. Through fear of the converts from Judaism Peter was violating the very principle of the late decree, and by his example causing others to vacillate. Not only the other Jewish converts resident at Antioch (Gal. ii. 13), who had mingled freely with the Gentiles, but even his friend and colleague Barnabas, who had defended their cause at Jerusalem, was carried away with the flood of their dissimulation (Gal. ii. 13). It was clearly necessary to interfere, and accordingly he withstood his fellow Apostle to the face (Gal. ii. 11), and rebuked him before all. The dissimulation he had practised carried with it its own condemnation. If he, born and bred a Jew, had made it his principle to discard Jewish customs and to live with the freedom of a Gentile, why did he practically coerce the Gentiles into Judaism. Both of them, though born to all the privileges of the elect nation, not sinners, as they used proudly to call the Gentiles, convinced that a man could not be justified by the works of the Law but by faith in Jesus Christ, had become believers in Him, that of that justification they might become partakers. How, then, could he seek to impose on others the yoke of conformity to the works of the Law?

What ensued upon this indignant rebuke is not recorded. It is not probable that any actual quarrel took place between the two. Though the character of Peter was impulsive and susceptible of quick and sudden changes, it was loving, generous, and forgiving. Certain it is that afterwards he was not ashamed to allude to the Epistles of his beloved brother Paul (2 Pet. iii. 15, 16), albeit that the censure upon himself finds a place in one of them, and though afterwards they seldom met, yet their lives were united in the propagation of one great cause, and in their deaths they were not divided.

SECTION II. St Paul’s Second Missionary Journey.

Chapter I. The Sharp Contest—Tour in Phrygia and Galatia. A.D. 51.

THE sphere of the labours of St Paul, as the Apostle of the Gentiles, having been publickly recognized at Jerusalem, he did not deem it right to linger at Antioch, and therefore proposed to Barnabas that they should revisit the places where they had preached the Word of God, and founded churches. To this his fellow Apostle assented, but was unwilling to undertake the journey unless his relative John Mark accompanied them (Acts xv. 37). St Paul, however, was by no means inclined to suffer one, who had withdrawn from them in Pamphylia, and had not gone with them to the work, to become again their companion on a journey requiring resolution and undaunted courage. Barnabas, on his side, was equally earnest in desiring that his kinsman should accompany them, and the consequence was nothing less than a sharp contention between the two, which at last ended in a mutual separation. They agreed to choose each a different path, and to labour independently. Barnabas, therefore, taking with him John Mark sailed to Cyprus, there, doubtless, though the details of his labours are not recorded, to superintend with advantage the churches already planted there, and to quicken and confirm their spiritual growth.

St Paul, on the other hand, selecting for his companion Silas or Silvanus, who had returned from Jerusalem, and commended by the brethren to the grace of God (Acts xv. 40), proceeded to form his own field of labour, instead of trespassing on that of another. As his late colleague, therefore, had selected an insular, so he chose a continental sphere of operations, and traversed Syria and Cilicia confirming the churches, and probably exhibiting the circular epistle from the church of Jerusalem.

From Cilicia he and his companion then passed into Lycaonia, and once more visited the towns of Derbe and Lystra. In the latter place he found a pleasing proof that his labours during his previous visit had not been in vain. In Timothy, who has been already mentioned, who had been carefully nurtured from childhood in the knowledge of the Old Testament Scriptures by his mother Eunice and his grandmother Lois (2 Tim. i. 5), who had witnessed the persecutions which the Apostle had undergone, and now as a Christian enjoyed the confidence of the church at Lystra and Iconium (Acts xvi. 2, 3), he saw one well fitted to do more than supply the place of John Mark, and invited him to become his companion. Timothy, on his part, was ready and willing to join him, and on account of the Jews who were numerous in the town and neighbourhood, and probably for the sake of his admission into the synagogue in which the Apostle intended to preach, submitted to the rite of circumcision (Acts xvi. 3). Before many witnesses (1 Tim. vi. 12) he was then solemnly ordained by the laying on of the hands of the whole assembly of the elders, and of the Apostle himself (2 Tim. i. 6), to do the work of an Evangelist, and proceeded with him and Silas, visiting the churches already founded, and exhibiting the decrees of the Council at Jerusalem (Acts xvi. 4).

The effect of this visitation was speedily felt. Strengthened by the superintendence of three such earnest labourers, the churches were established in the faith, and increased in number daily (Acts xvi. 5). The first part of their mission completed, the three advanced in a northerly direction through Phrygia and Galatia (Acts xvi. 6). In the last-named district it does not seem to have been the intention of St Paul to have preached the Gospel, being probably anxious at once to bear his message to the more important and promising district of proconsular Asia (Acts xvi. 6). But a sharp and violent attack of a malady, to which he was subject, and which he calls a thorn in the flesh, the messenger of Satan sent to buffet him (2 Cor. xii. 7), prostrated his physical strength, and he was constrained to linger in Galatia (Gal. iv. 13, 14).

But though the Apostle appeared in the capitals of Galatia—Pessinus, Ancyra and Tavium—bowed down with physical infirmity, he was received with peculiar kindness by the warm-hearted Gauls. They did not despise nor loath the temptation in his flesh (Gal. iv. 14). They welcomed him as an angel of God, even as Christ Jesus, nay, they would have plucked out their own eyes, and have given them to him (Gal. iv. 15). His announcement of a crucified Saviour (Gal. iii. 1) they received with eagerness and deep fervour, and many, both Jews and Gentiles, men and women, freemen and slaves (Gal. iii. 27, 28), professed themselves believers, and the churches of Galatia were added to those of Cilicia, Lycaonia and Phrygia.

Considering the circumstances under which this visit was made, it is not probable that it was very protracted, but at first the Apostles were somewhat uncertain in what direction to turn, for new fields of labour opened to them on different sides. At one time they thought of proceeding in a south-westerly direction to the populous cities of proconsular Asia, but received a Divine intimation that this was not to be the scene of their labours (Acts xvi. 6). They then turned towards Mysia, and were essaying to proceed into Bithynia, when a monition from the Divine Spirit, the Spirit of the glorified Redeemer, caused them to abandon this route also. Passing, therefore, by the district of Mysia without pausing to evangelise it, they proceeded in a north-westerly direction towards the shores of the Ægean, and arrived at Alexandria Troas (Acts xvi. 8).

There they stayed for the night, and now, after the Apostle Paul had doubtless been pondering deeply over the nature of the supernatural intimations which had been leading him, the mystery was solved. During the night there appeared to him in vision, a man from the opposite shores of Macedonia, beseeching him and saying, Come over and help us (Acts xvi. 9). The morning dawned, and the purport of the heavenly vision was discussed by the Apostle with his companions Silas and Timothy, and a new colleague, Luke the beloved physician (Col. iv. 14), who had now joined him, either by pre-arrangement, or by a providential meeting, or perhaps in consequence of his feeble state of health. They were not long in coming to a conclusion. The vision could have but one meaning. The Lord was assuredly calling them to carry the glad tidings of salvation to the European shores (Acts xvi. 10). Without further delay, therefore, they sought means for crossing over, and having found a vessel on the point of sailing for Europe they embarked and proceeded on their voyage.

Chapter II. Paul and Silas at Philippi. A.D. 52.

THE wind blew fair, when the Apostle and his companions left Troas, and running before it in a straight course they reached, probably the same night, the island of Samothrace, and there came to anchor. The next day, passing under the lee of the island of Thasos, they reached the Macedonian harbour of Neapolis, and thence passed inland a distance of about 10 miles to Philippi, the first city which the traveller would reach in this part of Macedonia, and a Roman military colony (Acts xvi. 12).

Here the Apostle and his companions stayed some days (Acts xvi. 12). Being a military and not a mercantile city, the number of Jews here was small, and consequently there was no synagogue. There was, however, a Proseucha, a House or Place of Prayer, a slighter and more temporary structure than the regular places of Jewish worship, outside the gate, on the banks of the Gaggitas, the fountains of which gave the ancient name to the city. Those who met here for worship consisted chiefly of women (Acts xvi. 13), and amongst them was one, named Lydia, a proselytess (Acts xvi. 14) of Thyatira (Rev. i. 11), a town in proconsular Asia, famous ever since the days of Homer for its dyed goods, for the reception of which she had an establishment at Philippi.

On the Sabbath the newly-arrived strangers joined the little company by the river-side, and sitting down in the attitude of teachers, spoke to the women there assembled. Lydia was an earnest listener, and the Lord opened her heart, so that she gave heed to the word spoken by Paul, and together with her household was admitted into the Church by baptism, probably in the waters of the stream that flowed by the Proseucha. Thus the Gospel found a lodgment in Europe, and Lydia, grateful for the spiritual things, which the Apostle had ministered unto her, was anxious to minister to him and his companions of her temporal things. Since ye have deemed me a believer in the Lord, said she, come into my house, and there abide. She would take no refusal, and Paul and the rest accepted her offer of hospitality.

At no great distance from Philippi was an oracle of Dionysus, the prophet-god of the Thracians. Thence, or from some similar establishment, there came a damsel possessed with the spirit of divination, who had been hired by certain Philippian citizens, and brought much gain to her owners by her soothsaying (Acts xvi. 16). Meeting the little company of Christians as they went to and fro from the Proseucha, she followed Paul crying out, These men are the servants of the most High God, who are come to announce unto you the way of salvation. This continued many days. At length grieved that this testimony should be borne by one possessed with an evil spirit, Paul turned, and in the name of his Divine Master commanded the evil spirit to leave her, whereupon the word of power was instantly obeyed, and the damsel was restored to her right mind (Acts xvi. 18).

Perceiving that now all hope of any future gain was gone, the owners of the damsel, filled with anger, seized Paul and Silas, and dragged them into the forum (Acts xvi. 19) before the duumviri or authorities of the colony, charging them with creating a disturbance in the place, and introducing innovations in their religion. Such an accusation quickly roused the feelings of the populace, and a furious mob beset the Apostle and his companion as they stood before the magistrates. To retain their popularity the latter saw that they must give in to the popular feeling, and ordered the lictors to strip off the clothes of the accused and scourge them (Acts xvi. 22). The order was forthwith executed, and faint and bleeding from the infliction of many stripes (1 Thess. ii. 2), they were thrust into prison, and the jailer was strictly enjoined to keep them safely. Anxious to fulfil his instructions to the letter, he thrust them into the inner prison, probably a dark, cold, pestilential cell, and made their feet fast in the stocks (Acts xvi. 24).

But though shamefully intreated (1 Thess. ii. 2), and thrust under a false charge into a loathsome dungeon, the Apostle and his companion were not in despair. At midnight they were praying and singing hymns to God, while the rest of the prisoners listened with eager attention. But deliverance was near at hand. Suddenly a great earthquake shook the prison to its foundations, every door was opened, every fetter was loosed (Acts xvi. 26). Roused from sleep the jailer instantly concluded that his prisoners had escaped, and drawing his sword was on the point of laying violent hands upon himself, when the voice of the Apostle Paul was heard calling out loudly, Do thyself no harm, for we are all here (Acts xvi. 28).

On this the jailer called for lights, and leaped into the inner prison, and trembling with alarm fell down before Paul and Silas, and then leading them forth said, Sirs, what must I do to be saved? Believe, was their reply, in the Lord Jesus, and thou shalt be saved, and then they proceeded to explain to him and the members of his family, who probably crowded around, what belief in Jesus meant (Acts xvi. 32). The word fell upon good ground, and in the self-same hour, late as it was, the rough Roman officer washed the stripes of his prisoners, and was baptized together with all his house. Then taking them up into his house he set food before them, and as a believer rejoiced in his new-found faith (Acts xvi. 34).

By this time the morning had dawned, and messengers arrived from the magistrates. Either alarmed at the earthquake, or conscience-stricken with having acted with unnecessary harshness, they had come to a different decision respecting the Apostles, and the lictors now bore their orders that they should be released. The jailer received these instructions with the utmost joy, and going with the messengers announced these commands to the Apostles. But St Paul declined to go in peace, as he suggested (Acts xvi. 36). He and his companion, uncondemned, and without any form of trial, had been openly scourged, and thrust into prison, in direct violation of their rights as Roman citizens. He refused, therefore, to accept such a secret and ignominious release. Let them come themselves, said he, and lead us forth (Acts xvi. 37).

Without delay the messengers conveyed the intelligence that the prisoners were Roman citizens to the magistrates, who were in no little alarm, when they discovered what an insult they had unwittingly offered to the Majesty of the imperial city. Hastening, therefore, to the prison, they earnestly besought the Apostles to depart from the colony. Accordingly they came forth, and with quietness and dignity repaired to the house of Lydia, and having seen and bidden farewell to the Christian brethren departed (Acts xvi. 40). Timothy, however, and Luke, appear to have remained for the present behind, to water the seed sown, and to build up the newly-formed Philippian Church.

Chapter III. Thessalonica, Berœa, Athens. A.D. 52.

LEAVING, then, their first Macedonian converts, Paul and Silas proceeded along the great Roman road, known as the Via Egnatia, to Amphipolis, and thence through Apollonia to Thessalonica. In the latter city was the chief synagogue of the Jews in this part of Macedonia (Acts xvii. 2), and hither Paul repaired, and for three consecutive Sabbaths argued with those of his own nation from their own Scriptures, opening them up to them, and shewing that the Messiah there predicted was no temporal Prince or earthly Conqueror, but One who should suffer and rise from the dead, and that He had appeared in the person of that Jesus, whom he announced to them (Acts xvii. 3; Comp. 1 Thess. i. 10, iv. 14, v. 9, 10).

His words were variously received. Some, including a considerable number of the Greek proselytes and of the influential women, believed. But the Jews, furious at the spread of such obnoxious tenets, gathered together a mob of idlers from the markets and landing-places, threw the town into an uproar, and falling upon the house of Jason, where the Apostle was lodging, sought to drag him and his companion before the demus, or assembly of the people. Unsuccessful, however, in finding them, they hurried Jason and certain of the brethren before the magistrates, and charged them with violating the decrees of Cæsar in asserting that there was another King, namely Jesus (Acts xvii. 7). This charge caused the magistrates considerable perplexity. Instead, however, of visiting the Apostle with any punishment, they contented themselves with taking security from Jason and the rest for their future good conduct, and the maintenance of peace, and then set them at liberty.

But though the city was thus quieted, the position of the Apostle was one of great danger. Without delay, therefore, the brethren sent him and Silas under cover of night in a south-westerly direction to Berœa. Here also there was a synagogue, and here Paul found far more candid, generous, and willing hearers than he had met with at Thessalonica. The Berœans not only accepted the message he preached, but searched the Scriptures, and that daily, to see whether his arguments were well founded. The consequences were soon apparent. The promise seek, and ye shall find was fulfilled, and many, both Jews and Gentiles, men and women, and amongst the latter sex some of the highest rank, professed themselves Christians (Acts xvii. 12).

But the work thus auspiciously commenced was not destined to go on unimpeded. After no long interval the Jews of Thessalonica, hearing that Paul was preaching with success at Berœa, followed in his track, and threw the town into commotion. The danger was imminent, and perceiving that the ceaseless animosity of the Jews rendered any further labours in Macedonia useless for the present, the brethren conveyed the Apostle to the nearest sea-port, probably Dium, and thence by ship to Athens. Silas and Timotheus, who probably had rejoined the Apostle at Berœa, had meanwhile been left there, to strengthen the faith of the new converts, but on the return of those who had conducted Paul to Athens, received his injunctions to join him with all speed (Acts xvii. 15).

Thus the disciple of Gamaliel, once a Pharisee, now a Christian and an Apostle, found himself in the far-famed centre of Grecian culture, the pride of the ancient world, the patroness of Art, Science, and Literature. While awaiting, alone and among strangers, the arrival of his companions, his spirit burned within him, as he beheld on every side proofs of the point to which the inhabitants of the glorious city carried their religious instincts, and the idols and idol-temples with which it was crowded. Even here, however, he commenced in his usual manner. On each Sabbath-day he repaired to the synagogue (Acts xvii. 17), and preached to the Jews and proselytes, and during the week he was to be found in the busy Agora at the foot of the Acropolis and the Areopagus, conversing with any who would listen to his words.

In such a place and among such a people he was not likely to lack an audience. All the Athenians and the strangers that were there, writes St Luke, spent their time in nothing else but either to tell or to hear some new thing (Acts xvii. 21). To them, therefore, the coming of one like the Apostle, burning with zeal, and setting forth with learning and ability new and unheard-of doctrines respecting Jesus and the Resurrection (Acts xvii. 18), would be certain to awaken no little interest. Amongst others, who heard him and marvelled at his words, were certain of the world-famous Epicurean and Stoic schools of philosophy. On them his preaching produced a varied effect. Some treated it with scorn, saying, What doth this babbler mean? Others remarked that he appeared to be setting forth certain new divinities. At length they determined to ascertain the point more closely, and taking him to the Areopagus, requested to know the meaning of what he preached (Acts xvii. 19, 20).

So the Apostle took his stand, alone1000 and unaided, “his bodily aspect still showing what he had suffered from weakness, toil, and pain,” on the summit of the hill of Areopagus (Acts xvii. 22) in the midst of temples, statues and altars dedicated to the gods many and lords many of the heathen world. Horror-struck as he must have been at the spectacle of idolatry which confronted him on every side, he yet with peculiar prudence did not begin by attacking in intemperate language the national worship of his hearers. During his brief sojourn in the city he had observed an altar with the inscription, To an unknown God1001 (Acts xvii. 23). “Taking his stone,” therefore, to use the expressive language of Chrysostom, “out of their own brook,” he determined to make this inscription and the mournful testimony it bore to the vanity of heathenism his text, and from it to speak to them words of eternal life.

This altar, he began, like all things else he had seen in their city, proved their carefulness in religion1002, their earnest desire to worship, and at the same time their ignorance in worshipping. “The unknown God,” whose power, by their own confession, they acknowledged, he would declare unto them. The Lord of heaven and earth, who had made the world and all things therein, dwelt not in temples made with hands1003. He was subject to no exigencies, which made him need anything from his worshippers, seeing that He gave to all life, and breath, and all things. For all the nations of mankind, originally made by Him of one blood1004, He had assigned the seasons of their existence and the bounds of their habitation, to the end that they should feel after Him, if haply they might find Him, though in truth He was not far from any of them, as one of their own poets had said,

For we are also His offspring1005.

As the offspring, therefore, of God, and endowed with the faculty of knowing Him, they ought not to have imagined that the Godhead was like unto gold, or silver, or stone, graven by the art and device of man. Such imaginations they might have indulged in times past of ignorance. But these God had overlooked1006, and now commanded all men everywhere to repent, for He had appointed a day, wherein He would judge the world in righteousness by the Man whom He had ordained, and of this He had given to all a pledge and an assurance, in that He had raised Him from the dead (Acts xvii. 30, 31).

At this point the Apostle’s address was suddenly interrupted. Some who heard him broke out into laughter, regarding the idea of the resurrection as ridiculous. Others, in the spirit of Felix afterwards (Acts xxiv. 22, 25), said they would hear him again on the subject; and thus amidst mingled indifference and division, the hearers of the Apostle dispersed, and he departed from among them. The word spoken, however, did not fall utterly to the ground. Dionysius, a member of the Court of Areopagus, a woman named Damaris1007, and some others, professed themselves believers in that Redeemer and Judge of all mankind, whom he had preached to them.

Chapter IV. Arrival and Stay of St Paul at Corinth. A.D. 52, 53.

AFTER a stay at Athens, the duration of which is not recorded, the Apostle Paul repaired to Corinth, a place eminently adapted to be the centre of missionary operations, being the capital of the province1008 of Achaia, a large mercantile city, and inhabited by a large number of Jews. At this time the number of the latter was unusually large, owing to a decree issued by the emperor Claudius, in A.D. 50, directing their expulsion from Rome (Acts xviii. 2). The imperial edict here alluded to by St Luke is probably the same as that mentioned by Suetonius1009, who relates that Claudius drove the Jews from the capital, “because they were incessantly raising tumults at the instigation of a certain Chrestus,” a name used by mistake, there is little reason to doubt, for Christus, and pointing to mutual hostilities between the Jews and Christians respecting the Messiah1010.

Among those thus banished were two natives of Pontus in Asia Minor, named Aquila and Priscilla, who on their way homewards by the ordinary maritime track across the isthmus of Corinth, had settled down there for the present, and engaged in the manufacture of tents, probably of the Cilicium1011, or hair-cloth, already mentioned as an important article of trade in the Levant. Whether they were already converted to Christianity or not is doubtful, but as workers at a common trade the Apostle came and attached himself to them (Acts xviii. 3), and the intimacy now commenced lasted during the whole of St Paul’s life, and his new found friends became not only partakers of a common faith, but rendered him the most important services.

While, however, he laboured working with his own hands (1 Cor. iv. 12), he did not neglect his great work as an Apostle. According to his usual practice, he repaired every Sabbath-day to the synagogue, and endeavoured to persuade both the Jews and Gentiles there present (Acts xviii. 4) to believe in Jesus as the promised Messiah and Saviour of the world. Nor were his labours unsuccessful. Many, both Jews and Gentiles, professed themselves believers. Amongst these was the house of Stephanas, whom the Apostle calls the first-fruits of Achaia (1 Cor. xvi. 15). Another convert, and one of considerable note, was Crispus, a ruler of the synagogue (Acts xviii. 8); a third was Gaius, or Caius, with whom he afterwards lodged. All these he baptized with his own hand (1 Cor. i. 14–17).

After he had been thus labouring about two or three months, Silas and Timothy returned from Macedonia (Acts xviii. 5), and relieved the Apostle’s intense anxiety respecting the churches he had planted there (1 Thess. i. 2; ii. 13; iii. 6), informing him of the continuance of their faith and love, of their fond remembrance of himself, and their eager desire to see him again (1 Thess. iii. 6). The effect of this welcome news seems to have been an instantaneous increase of the zeal and resolution with which he prosecuted his labours. Already there were signs of opposition to the progress of the truth, and he had begun his work at Corinth in weakness, and in fear, and in much trembling (1 Cor. ii. 3). But now a weight was taken off from his mind (1 Thess. iii. 1–6), and he was pressed in the spirit, or, according to a preferable reading, he was pressed by the word1012 (Acts xviii. 5). His zeal was a positive pain to him. His anxieties removed, he felt he could not restrain the impulse to give utterance to the Word of God, and to apply himself with redoubled energy to his work.

Satisfactory, however, as had been in the main the tidings brought by Silas and Timothy from Thessalonica, some irregularities which had crept in, and some mistaken notions the new converts entertained, required correction. Since the Apostle’s visit several of their relatives and friends had died, and they feared that these departed Christians would lose the happiness of witnessing their Lord’s second coming, which they conceived to be close at hand (1 Thess. iv. 13–18). Under the excitement of the same expectation others had abandoned their lawful callings, and fancying that they need not work claimed the support of the richer members of the church (1 Thess. iv. 11, 12). Others, again, had not learned to subdue their carnal appetites (1 Thess. iv. 1–8), and there were symptoms of a lack of order (1 Thess. iv. 9, 10), and a tendency to despise the gift of prophesying, or inspired teaching, in comparison with other and more showy gifts (1 Thess. v. 20; comp. 1 Cor. xiv.).

For these reasons he addressed his first Epistle to the Thessalonians. Meanwhile the progress of the Church at Corinth had awakened the determined opposition of the Jews, who not only obstinately opposed the truth, but poured forth coarse blasphemies on the name of Jesus (Acts xviii. 6). Accordingly the Apostle confronted them sternly, and declaring that their blood must rest upon their own heads, announced his intention of turning to the Gentiles, and made the house of a Gentile convert named Justus, which was contiguous to the synagogue, the place of his public teaching (Acts xviii. 7). The difficulties of his position were thus much increased, and so greatly was he discouraged, that, though Crispus remained faithful, and many of the Corinthians had embraced the faith, he appears to have thought of withdrawing from the city1013. But while he was thus hesitating, the Lord Jesus appeared in a vision of the night, and bade him be not afraid, but speak forth boldly, for He was with him, and He had much people in the city (Acts xviii. 8–10). Thus encouraged the Apostle resumed his labours, and continued them without any apparent interruption for a space of eighteen months.

During this period intelligence received from Thessalonica induced him to address a second Epistle to the Church there. His previous letter had not abated the excitement connected with the expectation of the Saviour’s speedy advent. A fanatical section had even laboured to increase it, claiming imaginary revelations from the Spirit (2 Thess. ii. 2), and the authority of a rumoured letter from the Apostle himself in support of their views (2 Thess. ii. 2). To discourage such ideas, and that neglect of daily employments (2 Thess. iii. 6–16) to which they led, the Apostle wrote again, A.D. 53, explaining more fully certain signs he had already told them must precede the Redeemer’s second coming (2 Thess. ii. 1–12), and exhorting the Thessalonians to an orderly and diligent life after the example he had himself set when present in their city (2 Thess. iii. 8, 9).

Thus while continuing to labour at Corinth, did he seek to promote the growth of the Churches he had planted in Macedonia. By this time a new proconsul of Achaia had arrived in the person of Gallio1014, the brother of Seneca the philosopher, and of Mela, whose son Lucan was the author of the Pharsalia. The new governor had the reputation of being a man of remarkable sweetness of disposition and great popularity, whom “every one loved too little, even he who loved him most1015.” Accordingly the Jews thinking they might presume with impunity upon his easy temper, with accord set upon Paul and dragged him before his judgment-seat1016, alleging the old charge that he persuaded men to worship contrary to the law (Acts xviii. 13). When, however, the Apostle was on the point of entering upon his defence, Gallio, probably acquainted with commotions of the same kind at Rome and with the nature of the Jewish opposition to Christianity, refused to listen to it. If the question brought before him had been some act of crime or wickedness, it would have been only reasonable that he should have heard it through. But if, as it appeared to him, it was merely a question of doctrine, of words and names and Jewish law, he would have nothing to do with it, they must see to it themselves; and he drove them from the judgment-seat (Acts xviii. 16).

This decision had a remarkable result. The mob1017, always unfriendly to the Jews, seized Sosthenes, one of the rulers of the Synagogue1018, or perhaps the successor of Crispus, and began to beat him in the very presence of the proconsular tribunal. But Gallio left him to his fate, and cared for none of these things (Acts xviii. 17). Thus the assurance given to the Apostle in the late vision was fulfilled. Though bitter enemies had set upon him, none had “hurt” him, and it had been proved that the Lord had much people in the city.

Having tarried, therefore, at Corinth yet a good while, he took his leave of the brethren, and after1019 terminating a religious vow, taken for some unknown reason, by cutting his hair at Cenchreæ1020, sailed, accompanied by Silas and Timothy, Priscilla and Aquila, in the direction of Syria. A voyage of about 13 or 15 days brought them to the port of Ephesus. There Aquila and Priscilla remained, while the Apostle, after only staying long enough to hold one conference with the Jews in their synagogue, hastened on by sea with his other companions to Cæsarea, and thence by land to Jerusalem, in time to keep the great national festival of Pentecost (Acts xviii. 20–22). His stay was very brief, and after saluting the Church there he returned to Antioch, from which he had been so long absent, and there continued some time (Acts xviii. 23).

SECTION III. St Paul’s Third Missionary Journey, and Imprisonment at Cæsarea.

Chapter I. Visit to Ephesus. A.D. 54–57.

AFTER staying some time at Antioch, the Apostle resolved to enter upon his third missionary journey. Accompanied, it is probable, by Timothy1021, he began by a systematic visitation of the Churches he had planted in Galatia and Phrygia, establishing all the disciples in the true principles of the Gospel (Acts xviii. 23), and exhorting them to evince their sympathy with their brethren in Judæa, by weekly collections in behalf of the poorer Christians (Comp. 1 Cor. xvi. 1, 2).

While he was thus employed there arrived at Ephesus a certain Jew of Alexandria, named Apollos1022, an eloquent man, and mighty in the Scriptures (Acts xviii. 24). He had been instructed in the way of the Lord, and was acquainted with the main facts of the Saviour’s earthly history, but had received no other baptism than that of His forerunner. Aquila and Priscilla listened to his eloquent words in the synagogue of Ephesus, and having sought his acquaintance, did much to correct his imperfect conceptions of Christian doctrine, and to explain to him more accurately the way of God (Acts xviii. 26). Though trained in the schools of Alexandria, Apollos was not above receiving instruction from these humble natives of Pontus, and when made fully acquainted with the Christian doctrine was desirous of crossing over into Achaia. On communicating his wishes to the brethren at Ephesus, he received from them much encouragement; and furnished with letters of introduction to the disciples in Achaia, set out for Corinth, where he contributed important aid to the establishment of the Christian Church, employing his extensive acquaintance with Scripture to the confutation of Jewish disputants, and proving incontestably that Jesus was the Messiah (Acts xviii. 28).

Thus where Paul had planted, Apollos watered, and God gave an abundant increase (1 Cor. iii. 6). Meanwhile that Apostle’s circuit through the Galatian district being ended, in accordance with a promise he had made (Acts xviii. 21) he also came to Ephesus. Here Aquila and Priscilla were awaiting him ready to aid him in his work1023. They had already dispatched to the Church of Corinth an eloquent teacher, and now there was present a company of about twelve men (Acts xix. 7), who, like Apollos, were acquainted only with John’s baptism, and who were probably introduced to the Apostle by his friends from Pontus. Thereupon he enquired of them, Did ye receive the Holy Ghost when ye became believers1024? To this they replied that they had not so much as heard of Him and of His great outpouring on the day of Pentecost. This led to further enquiry on the part of the Apostle as to the nature of the baptism they had received, and becoming aware that they had only been made partakers of John’s baptism of repentance and preparation, he proceeded to speak of a yet higher baptism to which it was intended to lead up. On this the men were baptized into the Name of the Lord Jesus Christ, and on the imposition of the Apostle’s hands were endued with miraculous gifts and enabled to speak with tongues and to prophesy (Acts xix. 4–7).

Ephesus now became the centre of St Paul’s missionary labours. Repairing, according to his invariable practice, to the synagogue, he was employed during three whole months (Acts xix. 8) in arguing with the Jews from their own Scriptures, and persuading them that the kingdom of God was truly come, and that Jesus was no other than the long promised Messiah. While some believed and joined themselves to the Christian Church, others were hardened and disobedient, and began openly to calumniate the Apostle’s doctrine before the people. Perceiving this, and resolved that their example should not contaminate the rest, he resolved to abandon his attendance at the synagogue, and separating the disciples transferred his instructions to the school of one Tyrannus, probably a teacher of rhetoric or philosophy to the young of Ephesus, and who may or may not have been himself a convert (Acts xix. 9).

This continued for two years, A.D. 55–57, and during this period the labours of the Apostle were carried on with unceasing energy. Not only in the school of Tyrannus, but from house to house he went about amongst the brethren, instructing them in their most holy faith, and warning them with tears (Acts xx. 20–31) to hold fast that which they had been taught, repentance towards God, and faith towards our Lord Jesus Christ (Acts xx. 21). The result of such labours, carried on by the Apostle himself, and probably by his immediate1025 converts, was speedily perceptible. An important church was founded at Ephesus itself, over which “presbyters” were appointed to preside (Acts xx. 28), and the Word was made known throughout the Roman province of Asia, and probably contributed to the foundation of the seven famous churches of that region (Acts xix. 10).

Ephesus, it must be borne in mind, was no common city1026. The capital of the province, the principal emporium of trade on the nearer side of Mount Taurus, it claimed with Smyrna the honour of being one of the “eyes” of Asia. Though Greek in its origin it was half Oriental in the prevalent worship and the character of its inhabitants, and contained the famous temple of Diana, or Artemis, deemed by the ancients one of the wonders of the world1027. The original temple, built at the expense of all the Greek cities in Asia, the erection of which was begun before the Persian, and lasted even through the Peloponnesian war, was set on fire by Herostratus on the night that Alexander the Great was born. But in its place there soon arose a still more sumptuous structure, on which all that art and skill could achieve was freely lavished. The Temple-area was 425 ft. long by 220 in breadth, and was surrounded by 127 marble columns, 60 ft. high, each the gift of kings, and 36 of them beautifully ornamented. The roof was supported by columns of green jasper, eight of which may be seen in the mosque of St Sophia at Constantinople, whither they were removed by the emperor Justinian after the temple had been destroyed by the Goths. The altar, richly adorned, was the work of Praxiteles, and here and there were statues from the chisels of the most eminent sculptors. The walls were adorned with the finest paintings in the world, the master-pieces of Apelles and Parrhasius, while the sacred precincts, to the extent of a furlong from the building, offered an inviolable sanctuary to all who sought an asylum there.

The presiding deity of this magnificent pile was an ancient, black, wooden idol, said to have fallen down from heaven, representing Artemis, not the huntress-goddess of the Greeks, but an Asiatic divinity1028, the impersonation of nature, the prolific “mother of life,” as shown by the many breasts represented on her image.

Round this worship of Artemis there clustered a host of minor superstitions, and Ephesus was at this time the head-quarters of the magical arts. Here were to be bought charms and incantations of all kinds; amulets to preserve men from bodily danger; formulas to ward off the influence of demons; mysterious symbols called “Ephesian letters,” copied from the inscriptions on various parts of the idol, deemed a safeguard against all kinds of evil. These arts were not studied merely by strolling vagabonds, for the purpose of imposing on idle women and ignorant men; they were believed by the educated, and studied by men of letters, who wrote many books on the subject, opening up the secrets of the art, which were highly valued and fetched great prices.

Here, then, was a new field for the efforts of the Apostle, and in this stronghold of heathenism it pleased God to work special miracles by his hands (Acts xix. 11), so that napkins1029 and aprons1029 brought from his body were enabled to communicate a healing power, to expel disease and deliver the possessed. Such miracles produced a deep impression on those who witnessed them, and before long, as in the case of Moses in Egypt, certain Jewish exorcists, who wandered about the Asiatic cities, strove to effect the same marvellous results by their enchantments. Fancying that the Name of Jesus was used by the Apostle as a kind of spell, and was in fact his secret, they also began to pronounce the same over the possessed saying, We adjure you in the name of Jesus, whom Paul preacheth (Acts xix. 13).

One particular family, consisting of seven brothers, sons of one Sceva, a Jewish High-priest1030, were especially addicted to this practice, and on one occasion while thus engaged the evil spirit answered, Jesus I recognise1031, and Paul I know, but who are ye? and thereupon the possessed flung himself upon them, and with the terrible strength of a madman and a demon drove them forth naked and wounded from the house. This incident was quickly noised abroad throughout all Ephesus, became known both to Jews and Gentiles, and proved that the power of the name of Jesus was one “fatal to counterfeit and impossible to resist.” Fear fell upon all. The magicians of Ephesus confessed that this was the finger of God, and many of the converts, who even as Christians had continued the practice of “curious, or magical arts, and had not parted with their books of charms,” confessed their errors, and publickly burned the magic scrolls in the presence of the Church. An estimate of the value of these books was made, and was found to amount to upwards of 50,000 pieces of silver1032, so mightily grew the word of the Lord and prevailed (Acts xix. 20).

Chapter II. Letter to the Corinthians—Disturbance at Ephesus. A.D. 57.

DURING the Apostle’s stay at Ephesus disastrous intelligence arrived from Corinth. The Church established there combined two distinct elements, Jews or proselytes and Gentiles, of whom the latter were the most numerous. The natural jealousy between these two bodies repressed during the Apostle’s presence, had burst out on his departure, and divided the Church into various parties. Some affected fidelity solely and exclusively to St Paul himself (1 Cor. iii. 4); others, probably the Jewish section, to Peter and the brethren of the Lord (1 Cor. i. 12, ix. 5); a third, fascinated by the eloquence and learning of the Alexandrian Apollos (1 Cor. i. 12), had attached themselves to him, and probably “hung halfway between the extreme Jewish and the extreme Gentile party;” while a fourth abjured all devotion to any human teachers, and styled themselves the “Christ” party (1 Cor. i. 12).

In addition to these evils the Gentile faction pushed their views of Christian freedom beyond all due bounds. The profligacy that disgraced the inhabitants of Corinth and made their name a byword was openly avowed and gloried in (1 Cor. v. 1). To such a pitch, moreover, did they carry their disputes that lawsuits were brought into Roman and Greek courts of Justice (1 Cor. vi. 1–8), and instead of shrinking from the contaminating influence of sensuality at the sacrificial feasts, they freely frequented them even in the colonnades of the temples (1 Cor. viii. 10): the women threw off the head-dress which the customs of Greece and of the East required (1 Cor. xi. 2–16); the most solemn ordinance of the Church was profaned by disorderly and reckless festivity (1 Cor. xi. 17–34); the most showy “gifts” were desired to the disparagement of those which tended only to instruct and improve (1 Cor. xii. 1, xiv. 1–4); mixed marriages were freely contracted (1 Cor. vii. 10–17); and the doctrine of the Resurrection was either denied or emptied of all meaning (1 Cor. xv. 12).

Rumours of these disorders had reached the Apostle from time to time, and he had already sent Timothy1033 and Erastus (Acts xix. 22) from Ephesus to Macedonia, desiring the former if possible to continue his journey to Corinth, and recall to the Church there the image of his own teaching and life. But after their departure members of the household of Chloe arrived informing him that the factions had reached a still more formidable height (1 Cor. i. 11), and that an incestuous marriage, scandalous even to the heathen, of a man with his father’s wife, had been allowed to be contracted without rebuke (1 Cor. v. 1). This determined the Apostle to write the first of his extant letters1034 to the Corinthians and other Christian communities in the province of Achaia (comp. 1 Cor. i. 2), in which he treated of all these points, directed that the incestuous offender should be expelled from the Christian community, and replied to various questions, which three members of the Corinthian Church, Fortunatus, Stephanas, and Achaicus (1 Cor. xvi. 17), themselves the bearers of the Epistle, had brought for his solution relating to the controversies respecting sacrificial feasts, meat offered to idols, the right of divorce, and the exercise of spiritual gifts in the public ministrations of the Church.

At the time he dispatched this letter, it was the Apostle’s intention to proceed through Macedonia to Corinth, and after spending the winter there (1 Cor. xvi. 5, 6; Acts xix. 21) to proceed to Jerusalem, whence he contemplated a journey to Rome itself (Acts xix. 21). Till Pentecost, however, he resolved to stay at Ephesus (1 Cor. xvi. 8), for there a great door was opened to him, and there were many adversaries against whom he had yet to contend. But these designs were destined to be rudely interrupted.

It was now about the month Artemisius, or the month of Artemis1035, when the annual festival of the goddess was observed throughout Greece and Asia, and a vast concourse of people from all quarters would be brought together. The preaching of the Apostle had by this time produced a great effect both in Ephesus and throughout proconsular Asia, and a great multitude had avowed themselves believers (Acts xix. 26). Consequently the sellers of portable shrines1036 of Diana found their trade sensibly diminished, and no small tumult arose about the Way. Prominent among the malcontents was a certain Demetrius, a master-manufacturer of these silver shrines, who found employment for a large body of workmen. These he now called together, and others similarly employed, and set forth the damage which their trade had sustained, and the danger lest the temple of the great goddess Diana, which not only Asia but all the civilized world held sacred, should fall into disrepute. His words found eager listeners, and an excited cry arose, Great is Diana of the Ephesians (Acts xix. 28). The commotion thus aroused quickly spread, and the thousands of citizens and strangers, whom the games had attracted to Ephesus, made a general rush towards the theatre. Failing on the way in their attempt to seize St Paul1037, they dragged thither two of his companions, Gaius and Aristarchus of Macedonia. News of the danger of his friends would have urged the Apostle to venture thither himself, but the disciples, aided by the Asiarchs1038, who exercised high authority during the games, induced him to remain in privacy, and not venture to incur inevitable risk. Meanwhile the crowded seats of the theatre presented a scene of the utmost confusion, some crying one thing and some another, and the majority not knowing why they were come together (Acts xix. 29–32). At length the Jews, not unwilling to injure the Apostle’s cause, and anxious to clear themselves, put forward one Alexander, who may possibly have been the coppersmith mentioned in 2 Tim. iv. 14, and being connected in trade with Demetrius might have been expected to have some influence with the people. So he stood forth and beckoned with his hand for silence. But he was soon recognised as a Jew, and one unanimous cry which lasted upwards of two hours arose from the tumultuous throng, Great is Diana of the Ephesians (Acts xix. 34).

When this had partially subsided, another effort was made to calm the storm. The Town-clerk1039 or Recorder, who was the lawful president of the assembly, stood forward and reminded his hearers that the city of Ephesus was beyond all question the devoted “warden1040” of the great goddess Diana and the image that came down from the sky. The statements of a few unknown foreigners could not contradict a fact so patent to all the world. Let them, therefore, avoid doing anything rash or inconsiderate, especially as St Paul and his companions had neither profaned their temple nor uttered calumnious words against the goddess. If Demetrius and his friends had any just cause of complaint, it could be decided in the assize-courts1041, then open, or by an appeal to the proconsul, or, if necessary, in the regular assembly. Above every thing, let the present tumultuous proceedings be discontinued, which could only bring down upon them the displeasure of the Romans, who could not be expected to tolerate such causeless and disorderly doings, however willing to indulge an ancient and loyal city (Acts xix. 35–40).

With these arguments the cautious man of authority tranquillized the assembly, and the crowd dispersed to their own homes. Thus by the intrepidity of his friends1042 Aquila and Priscilla, and the interposition of a Greek magistrate, the Apostle’s life was saved; and having assembled the disciples and given them his last farewell, set out towards Macedonia (Acts xx. 1), and accompanied, it is not improbable, by Tychicus and Trophimus, reached Alexandria Troas1043. (Acts xx. 4, 5.)

Chapter III. Troas—Second Journey to Greece. A.D. 57, 58.

ON the occasion of his former visit to Troas1044 the Apostle had been able to stay but a very short time. Now, however, though disturbed in mind by the late outbreak, he occupied himself for some time in preaching the Word (2 Cor. ii. 12). But a cause of still deeper anxiety harassed him. He had sent Titus to Corinth, either with or soon after the first Epistle, to superintend the great collection now being made for the poorer Christians at Jerusalem, to enforce the instructions contained in his Epistle, and to report the state of the Corinthian church; and he had directed him to return through Macedonia and rejoin him probably at Troas1045, where he hoped to have arrived shortly after Pentecost. But the late tumult had driven him sooner than he had intended from Ephesus, and he waited for Titus at Troas with a heart full of anxiety respecting the Church at Corinth. Day after day passed, and still Titus came not. At length the suspense became unbearable, his spirit had no rest (2 Cor. ii. 13) in the prolonged absence of his brother, and though at Troas a door was opened to him of the Lord, and he was enabled to lay the foundation of a flourishing church, he resolved to sail to Macedonia, hoping the sooner to meet Titus on his return.

Bidding farewell, therefore, to the disciples, he embarked, and probably, as before1046, landing at Neapolis, pressed on to Philippi. There he paused, and for a while was cheered by the zeal and warm affection of his Philippian converts (2 Cor. viii. 1, 2). But still he could think of nothing but Corinth. “Corinth, and Corinth only, was the word which would then have been found written on his heart1047.” Timothy, indeed, appears to have met him at Philippi (comp. 2 Cor. i. 1), but till Titus arrived his flesh could find no rest; he was troubled on every side, without were fightings, within were fears (2 Cor. vii. 5).

At last the long-expected messenger reached Philippi, and bore with him tidings sufficiently cheering to relieve the Apostle of the chief load of his anxieties. His first Epistle had not only been received, but bore good fruit. The majority of the Corinthian church had submitted to his injunctions, and were deeply repentant for the sins they had committed (2 Cor. vii. 7–11); the incestuous person had been excommunicated (2 Cor. ii. 6), and afterwards forgiven (2 Cor. ii. 10); and the collection for the poor Christians at Jerusalem had made good progress (2 Cor. viii. 10). All, however, was not as it ought to be. The parties which claimed the authority of Christ, aided by an emissary from Palestine (2 Cor. xi. 4), who had brought letters of commendation from Jerusalem, had grown so powerful as to openly assail both the Apostle’s authority and his character, charging him with selfish motives, with fickleness, timidity, and self-distrust, and disparaging his inartificial speech, and the insignificance of his bodily presence (2 Cor. x. 10).

The news that the Corinthians had generally submitted to his injunctions, removed a load from the Apostle’s mind, and filled him with overwhelming thankfulness, but the insinuations of his adversaries roused in him the utmost indignation. Titus was, therefore, immediately directed to return to Corinth with instructions to continue the collection, and bearing a second Epistle, in which the Apostle expressed his heartfelt satisfaction at the tidings brought by Titus (2 Cor. i.–vii.), urged the speedy completion of the contributions (2 Cor. viii. ix.), and vindicated his Apostolical character against the assertions of his Judaizing opponents (2 Cor. x.–xiii.).

With this Epistle, then, Titus accompanied by Luke (2 Cor. viii. 18) and Trophimus, set out for Corinth, while St Paul, as yet unwilling to revisit that city, continued to prosecute his labours in the northern regions of Greece, and to accomplish those plans which he had been unable to complete during his previous visit to Macedonia. But not satisfied with preaching the word in the towns of that province bordering on the Ægean, he appears now to have penetrated into the interior, and even beyond them, to the shores of the Adriatic, fully preaching the Gospel round about unto Illyricum1048 (Rom. xv. 19).

This tour probably occupied the summer and autumn of A.D. 57, and then having no more place in those parts (Rom. xv. 23), he removed with the approach of winter to Achaia, and took up his abode at Corinth (Acts xx. 2). But while here in the house of Gaius he could enjoy the society of Erastus and Stephanas, of Fortunatus, Achaicus, and others of the brethren, his heart was saddened1049 by painful intelligence concerning the state of the Galatian Churches. The circumstances under which these churches1050 were founded have been already noticed, as also the peculiar affection with which the Apostle had been received there. Now however he learned that his restless enemies the Judaizers, who had been thwarting him at Corinth, were busy also in Galatia, insisting on the necessity of circumcision (Gal. v. 2, 11, vi. 12, 13), inculcating nothing less than submission to the whole ceremonial law (Gal. iii. 2, iv. 21, v. 4, 18), impugning his own credit, representing him as no true Apostle, as having derived his knowledge of the Gospel at second hand, and as nothing in comparison with James, Peter, and John, the Pillars of the Church at Jerusalem (Gal. ii. 2, 9, &c.). Their teaching he heard with the deepest sadness, had completely fascinated1051 (Gal. iii. 1) the easily impressible Galatians, and already many had embraced their doctrines with the same alacrity that they had welcomed himself when he proclaimed Christ crucified amongst them. On receiving this intelligence, the Apostle deemed it right to take instant measures for checking the evil before it became incurable, and accordingly addressed them in an Epistle1052, in which he strenuously defended his own independent Apostolic authority (Gal. i. 11, ii. 21), showed that the doctrine of these Judaizers was calculated to destroy the very essence of Christianity, “to reduce it from an inward and spiritual life to an outward and ceremonial system” (Gal. iii. iv.), and exhorted them once more to walk in a manner worthy of that state of freedom and not of bondage, into which they had been called (Gal. v. vi.).

The Apostle’s present stay at Corinth continued upwards of three months (Acts xx. 3), and he probably employed himself not only in convincing and silencing the gainsayers who opposed him, as he had declared he would (2 Cor. xiii. 1–6), and in visiting other churches in the province of Achaia, but also in superintending the great collection for the poorer Christians at Jerusalem, about which he felt so solicitous. This collection was now completed, and certain treasurers were nominated by the whole Church, with whom the Apostle was to carry it on his contemplated journey to Jerusalem (1 Cor. xvi. 3).

Meanwhile a Christian matron, named Phœbe1053, of the port of Cenchreæ, was about to sail in an opposite direction to Rome upon some private business. St Paul therefore availed himself of the opportunity thus afforded of addressing an Epistle to the Church in that city, which he already intended to visit speedily, and with the members of which, though they had not seen his face in the flesh, he yet appears, from the numerous salutations at the close of the Epistle, to have been well acquainted. When this Church was founded is uncertain. Christianity may have been planted in Rome by some of the strangers from that city present on the day of Pentecost (Acts ii. 10), or by believing Jews attracted thither in the early days of Christianity, and who had been converted by St Paul’s own preaching. Whichever is the correct opinion, the Church there appears to have been numerous, and though in the first instance its members were probably Jews, who had been converted in the eastern parts of the Empire, they had received large accessions from the Gentiles (Rom. i. 13). Between these two parties disputes had arisen respecting the obligation of the Mosaic law, and while the one could not bring themselves to acknowledge their Gentile brethren as their equals in Christian privileges (Rom. iii. 9–29, xv. 7–11), the other could not make sufficient allowance for Jewish prejudices respecting the observation of days and the eating of meats (Rom. xiv.). Long desirous of visiting the Church at Rome, and probably informed of its condition by Aquila and Priscilla, now resident there1054 (Rom. xvi. 3), he deemed it his duty, as the Apostle of the Gentiles, to compose the differences between the two sections of the Roman Church, to lay down, in opposition to the Judaizers1055, the great doctrine of justification by faith only (Rom. i.–viii.), to explain the mystery of the rejection of the Jews and the admission of the Gentiles into the Christian covenant (Rom. ix.–xi.), and to inculcate on all the duty of mutual forbearance respecting the matters in dispute, and the need of a holy and a Christian life (Rom. xii.–xv. 13).

Anxious to visit Jerusalem before his projected journey to Rome, the Apostle at the close of his three months’ stay in Corinth intended to go by sea to Syria and probably from the port of Cenchreæ (Acts xx. 3). Though, however, his intended visit to the Holy City had for its object the supplying of the wants of the poorer Christians there by the great collection, which had been so long in progress, he could not look forward to it without grave misgiving, knowing as he did the inveterate hostility of the Judaizers towards himself (Rom. xv. 30–32). But even before he could set sail the enmity of the Jews at Corinth ripened into a plot against his life (Acts xx. 3). He resolved, therefore, to make a change in the proposed route, and instead of going to proconsular Asia by sea, he went by land through Macedonia, Berœa, Thessalonica, and Philippi, towards the spot where he had first landed on the shores of Europe. His companions on this occasion were Sopater, a native of Berœa, Aristarchus and Secundus of Thessalonica, Gaius of Derbe, and Timotheus, and two Christians from proconsular Asia, Tychicus and Trophimus (Acts xx. 4). The whole of this company did not at once cross over to Asia with St Paul, but while he and Luke remained at Philippi, preceded the rest to Troas. It was now the season of the Passover, and the Apostle and his companion remained at Philippi till the feast was ended, and then sailed from Neapolis, and after a voyage, which, probably from unfavourable weather, occupied upwards of five days1056 (Acts xx. 6), reached Troas, and there joined the other disciples and abode seven days. We have no details respecting the Apostle’s labours during the early part of this week, but on the evening of the Sabbath preceding the day appointed for the ship to sail, the Christians were assembled in an upper-room, lighted up by many lamps, celebrating that Breaking of the Bread which now formed so essential a part of their religious services (Acts xx. 7). Impressed with the feeling that the morrow was appointed for his departure, and that the present opportunity might not again recur, St Paul was prolonging his discourse till midnight, when overcome by weariness and the heat of the room, a young listener, named Eutychus, sank into a slumber, and suddenly falling from the balcony where he sat was dashed upon the floor below and taken up dead. Much confusion thereupon ensued and no little lamentation (Acts xx. 10), but St Paul went down and embracing the body said to the bystanders, Trouble not yourselves, for his life is in him. Thereupon he was taken up alive, and amidst joy and thankfulness the Eucharistic feast, combined then, as was usual, with a common meal, was resumed, and the Apostle continued his discourse till the dawn of day.

The ship was now ready to sail, and the Apostle’s companions went on board. It was arranged, however, that he himself should join the vessel at Assos, a little more than 20 miles distant, and thus secure a few more hours with the disciples at Troas. To Assos, therefore, he proceeded by land, and there embarking, sailed with the rest of his companions to Mitylene, the chief city of Lesbos, and separated from Assos by a narrow channel. Another day’s sail brought them to Chios, whence having put in at Samos they lay to for the night at Trogyllium, a cape and town on the Ionian coast. The following morning they got as far as Miletus, the ancient capital of Ionia, about 50 miles south of Ephesus. Here they landed, and St Paul, who was hastening forward to reach Jerusalem, if possible, by Pentecost, sent a messenger to Ephesus to request the elders of the Church to meet him there. They quickly obeyed his summons, and the Apostle took leave of them in an affecting and impressive address, in which he reminded them of his past labours amongst them (Acts xx. 18–21), expressed his conviction that bonds and imprisonment awaited him at Jerusalem (Acts xx. 22–24), and in the most solemn manner warned them to tend the flock over which the Holy Spirit had made them overseers, and to defend the Church of God, which He had purchased with His own blood, against grievous wolves, which he too surely foreboded would enter in among them (Acts xx. 25–31).

Having given them these warnings, and finally commended them to God and the word of His grace, he knelt down on the shore and prayed with them, and then with an outburst of natural grief they fell upon his neck and kissed him again and again1057, sorrowing most of all for the words which he spake, that they should see his face no more (Acts xx. 38).

Chapter IV. The Return to Jerusalem—The Tumult in the Temple. A.D. 58.

DEEP as was the grief of the brethren at the departure of the Apostle, no long time could be devoted to its indulgence. The wind blew fair1058, and the vessel was ready to depart. With sorrowing hearts, therefore, they accompanied him to the water’s edge, and there tore1059 themselves away from him and his companions. The voyage was now resumed, and running before the wind the vessel soon reached Cos1060, off the coast of Caria, and on the following day the island of Rhodes. Thence they proceeded to Patara1061 in Lycia, where the vessel in which St Paul had been hitherto sailing apparently finished its voyage, or was bound for some place further east along the coast of Asia Minor.

In the harbour, however, there lay a vessel just about to sail across the open sea to Phœnicia (Acts xxi. 2), and without a moment’s delay they went on board, and made sail. After sighting1062 Cyprus and leaving it on the left hand they made straight for the port of Tyre, and reached it probably in two days. Here their vessel was bound to unlade her cargo, and the anxiety of the Apostle as to reaching Jerusalem in time for the Pentecostal festival being removed, he resolved to remain at Tyre a few days (Acts xxi. 4).

A church had been probably founded at Tyre soon after the death of Stephen1063, and may have been already visited by St Paul during one of his missionary journeys in the region of Syria and Cilicia1064. However this may have been, the Apostle now enjoyed a week of refreshing intercourse with the Tyrian disciples, and so won their affections that on the day fixed for his departure, they all, with their wives and children, accompanied him outside the city-gate to the sea-shore. There the scene at Miletus was repeated, and after prayer and mutual embraces the travellers proceeded on board, while the brethren of Tyre returned to their homes, their hearts filled with many forebodings, for prophets amongst them had intimated that danger awaited their beloved teacher at Jerusalem (Acts xxi. 4).

Before evening the Apostle and his companions had reached Ptolemais1065. Here the sea-voyage terminated, and the little company spent a day with the disciples in the place, and then set out on foot for Cæsarea. At Cæesarea Philip1066 the Evangelist had taken up his residence, and in his house St Paul found a welcome shelter. The family of the Evangelist consisted of four virgin daughters, who all possessed the gift of prophecy. Whether they gave the Apostle any intimations of coming danger is not recorded, but he was not destined to remain at Cæsarea long without receiving even more explicit warnings than he had listened to at Tyre. At the time when news reached Jerusalem of the Apostle’s arrival at Cæsarea, the prophet Agabus1067, who had predicted the famine during the reign of Claudius, was in the city. Thereupon he straightway hastened to the coast and entering Philip’s house, took St Paul’s girdle, and binding1068 with it his own hands and feet, declared in the name of the Holy Spirit that so the Jews at Jerusalem should bind the owner of that girdle, and deliver him into the hands of the Gentiles (Acts xxi. 11).

This explicit intimation of coming trials made a deep impression on all present, and Luke, Trophimus, and Aristarchus, the Apostle’s companions, with the Christians of Cæsarea, burst into tears (Acts xxi. 13) and implored him not to go up to Jerusalem. Though deeply affected by their grief on his behalf, the Apostle was not to be moved from his deliberate purpose. He was ready, he declared, not only to be bound, but to die at Jerusalem for the Name of the Lord Jesus, and finding his resolution not to be shaken, they desisted from all further intreaties, saying, The will of the Lord be done (Acts xxi. 14).

The Festival was now close at hand. The Holy City was already crowded1069 with multitudes of pilgrims, and it was an important matter to obtain a lodging. This an early convert, Mnason of Cyprus1070, whose residence was at Jerusalem, undertook to supply; and with him the Apostle, his companions, and certain of the brethren at Cæsarea, having made arrangements respecting their baggage1071, proceeded to Jerusalem.

On their arrival they were gladly welcomed by the brethren, and St Paul could not but have rejoiced in their sympathy. The day following they repaired to the abode of James, the Lord’s brother1072, and president of the church at Jerusalem, and there found all the Elders assembled to receive them (Acts xxi. 18). Mutual salutation followed, and then the Apostle recounted in a lengthened narrative all that God had wrought by his ministration among the Gentiles, and doubtless pointed with pride and joy to the contributions which the delegates from the various churches he had planted had brought for the relief of the poorer Christians at Jerusalem. The narrative made a deep impression, and in united thanksgiving his hearers glorified God (Acts xxi. 20).

In recounting, however, the progress of the churches in Galatia and Achaia it would be scarcely possible for St Paul to fail touching on subjects which would excite painful feelings, and rouse bitter prejudice in many of his hearers1073, and the peculiar dangers he was liable to encounter in the Holy City soon became apparent. The assembly, which had just glorified God for his success in heathen lands, began to call his attention to the strength of the Judaizing faction in the city1074. They told him it was generally reported and believed in Jerusalem, among the thousands of converted Jews who still remained zealous for the Law, that he forbade their brethren in foreign lands to circumcise their children or observe the Mosaic customs (Acts xxi. 20, 21). This being so, it was advisable to do something that might correct these erroneous ideas. It was impossible that the arrival of one so well known could be concealed, and his public appearance might lead to scenes of violence. They suggested, therefore, that he should adopt the following course.

There were four disciples, who had taken a Nazarite vow, of which seven days remained unexpired, who would at the close of this period present the usual offerings1075 in the Temple. Let the Apostle, then, join himself to them, and defray the necessary expenses of the whole party. This would prove in the most public manner his observance of Mosaic ceremonies, and contradict the calumnies of his enemies (Acts xxi. 21–25). This advice, in which James the Just apparently acquiesced, the Apostle wishing, if possible, to conciliate the church of Palestine, was not unwilling to adopt. Accordingly on the following day, after first performing the necessary purifications, he proceeded with the Christian Nazarites to the Temple, and announced to the priests in the name of his friends, their intention of fulfilling their time, and awaiting the moment of the proper offering.

But the Apostle’s object was frustrated by circumstances that took place on the very eve of the completion of the period of their vow. Amongst the thousands present in Jerusalem were many Jews from proconsular Asia, who recognised the able disputant, whom they had so often been unable to confute in their synagogues, walking in the streets with Trophimus the Ephesian (Acts xxi. 29). On one occasion they saw him in the Temple-courts, and rushing to the conclusion that he had taken his companion also thither, instantly sprang upon him, shouting, Men of Israel, help. This is the man that teacheth all men everywhere against the People, the Law, and this place, yea, who hath also brought Gentiles into the Temple, and profaned this Holy Place (Acts xxi. 28).

Roused to fury a mob quickly rushed towards the spot, and St Paul would probably have been instantly put to death, had it not been for the unwillingness of his foes to pollute the Temple with blood. They therefore dragged him down the steps from the Court of the Women1076 into the Outer Court, and had no sooner passed, than the Levitical guard closed behind them the Corinthian gates1077 (Acts xxi. 30). Once in the Outer Court they began beating the Apostle violently, being clearly bent on putting him to death, and would have succeeded, had it not been for a providential intervention. The commotion in the Temple-courts had not failed to attract the notice of the Roman sentries in the tower1078 of Antonia, and they instantly informed Claudius Lysias, the commandant of the garrison, that all Jerusalem was in an uproar (Acts xxi. 31).

Thereupon, without a moment’s delay, Lysias rushed down attended by some centurions and a strong body of troops. The sight of the dreaded arms of the Imperial forces brought the multitude to their senses, and they left off beating Paul. The commandant then approached, and apprehending the Apostle, ordered him to be chained by each hand to a soldier1079, suspecting that he was an Egyptian pretender1080, who had lately caused a revolt, and had hitherto baffled the pursuit of the soldiers of Felix the governor (Acts xxi. 38). He then endeavoured to ascertain from the bystanders who his prisoner was and what he had done, but some cried one thing, and some another; and finding it impossible to gain any information amidst the tumult, he ordered him to be conveyed into the barracks within the fortress. Accordingly the soldiers proceeded to remove the Apostle, but so furious was the crowd pressing behind them with yells and execrations, that they had to bear him up in their arms up the staircase. Just as they reached the barracks, St Paul, addressing the commandant in Greek, enquired respectfully whether he might speak to him. Startled at being addressed in the Grecian tongue, Lysias in his turn enquired whether he was mistaken in supposing him to be the Egyptian rebel. St Paul replied that he was no Egyptian, but a Jew, a native of Tarsus in Cilicia, a citizen of no mean city, and requested permission to address the people. On which the commandant, influenced it may be by the aspect and manner of his prisoner, at once gave his consent (Acts xxi. 40).

Chapter V. The Imprisonment at Cæsarea. A.D. 58.

STANDING then on the stairs, and beckoning to the crowd with his chained hands to invite their attention, the Apostle began to address them in the Hebrew language. Charmed by the accents of their own beloved tongue, the multitude listened with the deepest silence while he tried to dispel their prejudices against himself. Beginning with the well-known circumstances of his birth and education at Tarsus and Jerusalem, he declared that he was a Jew like themselves, that he had been brought up according to the strictest requirements of the Law, and had hated, persecuted, and endeavoured to extinguish the sect of the Christians (Acts xxii. 3–5). He then proceeded to recount the wonderful circumstances of his conversion on the way to Damascus1081, of his blindness, cure, and baptism (Acts xxii. 6–16), and how on his return to Jerusalem, as he was praying in the Temple, he fell into a trance1082, saw that Saviour who had appeared to him on his memorable journey, and was commanded by Him to leave Jerusalem, and preach the Gospel to the Gentiles (Acts xxii. 17–21).

Up to this point the multitude listened to the Apostle with the deepest attention, but no sooner had he spoken of his mission to the Gentiles, than they broke out into such furious cries of rage and indignation that the previous clamour appeared as nothing in comparison. The thought of uncircumcised heathen being placed on an equality with the children of Abraham was unbearable. Away, they cried, with such a fellow from the earth, it is not fit that he should live, and while some flung dust into the air, others cast off their clothes, as if they would stone him on the spot (comp. Acts vii. 58). This fresh outbreak of frantic violence filled the commandant with still greater perplexity. Unable to understand the language in which the Apostle spake, he could only infer from the results it produced that his prisoner had been guilty of some enormous offence. He therefore gave orders that he should be conveyed into the castle, and, since other means had failed, that the secret of his guilt should be ascertained by torture. As in the case of the Saviour’s crucifixion1083, a centurion was deputed to superintend the scourging, and like a common malefactor the Apostle was on the point of being stretched or fastened to the post to receive the lashes, when he turned to the centurion and enquired whether it was lawful to scourge one who was a Roman citizen and uncondemned (Acts xxii. 25)? Astonished at such a question, the centurion ordered the scourging to be suspended, and hurrying to the commandant, bade him take heed what he was doing, for the prisoner was a Roman citizen. Upon this Lysias himself hastened to the spot and enquired whether the news was true, and on his replying in the affirmative, remarked that he had purchased this privilege for a large sum, on which St Paul informed him that he was free-born (Acts xxii. 28). Thus assured of the true position of his prisoner, the commandant ordered the instruments of torture to be instantly removed, and was in no little alarm at the turn affairs had taken.

For the present, indeed, he was obliged to keep him in the Tower, but on the morrow he determined to make a second effort to ascertain the nature of his prisoner’s offence, and therefore summoned a meeting of the Sanhedrin, and bringing down the Apostle from the Tower to the hall Gazith1084 placed him before them. Casting a steadfast and scrutinizing glance (Acts xxiii. 1) on the faces of those assembled, many of whom must have been familiar to him, St Paul began by proving that he had lived a conscientious1085 life before God up to that very day. This assertion so offended the high-priest that he commanded those standing near to strike him on the mouth, whereupon the Apostle, filled with indignation at so brutal an insult, replied, God shall smite thee1086, thou whited wall1087. For sittest thou to judge me according to the law, and commandest me to be smitten contrary to the law? To this the bystanders rejoined, Revilest thou God’s high-priest? and St Paul, recovering himself, answered that he did not know or consider that Ananias was high-priest, otherwise he would not so have spoken, for it was written in the Law, Thou shalt not revile the ruler of thy people (Ex. xxii. 28).

By this time, however, the Apostle had seen only too clearly that there was little prospect of his obtaining an equitable decision from his judges. Knowing, therefore, that there were both Pharisees and Sadducees among them, and that however much they might be united in persecuting him, they were sundered from one another by a deep gulf on one important article of faith, he exclaimed, as indeed he could say with truth, that he was brought to trial, because he had testified of the hope of Israel, and of the resurrection of the dead (Acts xxiii. 6). He had scarcely pronounced these words, when there was an instant division in the Council. The Pharisees present were united in his favour, and a hot debate ensued between them and the Sadducaic faction, who denied any Resurrection and the existence alike of angels and spirits1088. While the latter party were furious against him, the former declared they could find no fault in him, and if, as he had said in his speech on the stairs, an angel or a spirit had indeed spoken to him1089, they would not criminate him on this account.

A scene of great confusion now ensued (Acts xxiii. 10), in the midst of which Claudius Lysias being afraid lest the Roman citizen should be torn in pieces by them, ordered a detachment to go down instantly, and bring him into the barracks. Thus the Apostle was delivered from the most imminent danger, and in the evening his anxieties were relieved by the appearance of his Divine Master in a vision of the night, bidding him be of good cheer, and declaring that, as he had testified unto Him in Jerusalem, so he must testify also at Rome (Acts xxiii. 11).

The following morning however had hardly dawned, before a fresh danger revealed itself. Disappointed on the previous day in their malicious designs, more than forty of the Jews bound themselves by a solemn vow that they would neither eat nor drink till they had put the Apostle to death. Accordingly they went to the chief members of the Sanhedrin, and proposed that they should present themselves before the commandant and request him to allow St Paul to be brought down and placed a second time before them, in order that they might resume the enquiry so tumultuously interrupted, and they, on their part, undertook that he should not reach the council-chamber alive, for they would murder him on his way down from the fortress.

But their design in some way reached the ears of the Apostle’s nephew1090, who was now present in Jerusalem, and he no sooner heard of the danger which threatened his uncle, than he obtained admittance into the barracks, and imparted to him the intelligence. Thereupon St Paul called one of the centurions, and requested him to take the young man to Claudius Lysias, for he had something to tell him. The officer complied, and conducting him to the commandant told him of St Paul’s message. Claudius Lysias received the young man kindly, and leading him cautiously aside enquired what he wished to say. The other thereupon acquainted him with the plot that had been laid, and was dismissed with strict injunctions not to divulge the fact that he had given this information.

Thus assured of the danger that threatened his prisoner, and knowing that he was responsible for his safety as a Roman citizen, Lysias resolved to send him away that very night under a strong escort to Cæsarea, and there leave him in the hands of the governor Felix. Summoning therefore two of the centurions, he gave orders that 200 of the legionary soldiers, with 70 cavalry and 200 spearmen1091, should be in readiness to proceed thither by nine1092 in the evening. In the meantime he wrote to the governor a dispatch, giving a fair and clear account of the case, save in the statement that he had rescued St Paul in the first instance because he had discovered he was a Roman citizen, and in the suppression of all allusion to his intention to scourge him (Acts xxiii. 26–30).

At the time appointed the escort was ready, and mounted on horseback1093 between the two Roman soldiers, to whom he was chained, the Apostle was conducted from Jerusalem to Antipatris1094. Here the soldiers halted after their long night-march, and while the cavalry proceeded to Cæsarea, the legionary troops, no longer necessary to the Apostle’s safety1095, returned to the fortress of Antonia. It was probably during the afternoon of the day succeeding1096 their departure that the cavalry reached Cæsarea, and the officer in charge immediately delivered up his prisoner to the governor, with the dispatch from Claudius Lysias. Felix1097 read it, and enquired to what province the prisoner belonged1098, and having ascertained that he was a native of Cilicia, replied that he would hear and decide his case as soon as his accusers had arrived, and ordered that for the present he should be kept in Herod’s prætorium1099 (Acts xxiii. 35).

Chapter VI. Paul Before Felix and Festus. A.D. 58–60.

FIVE days after the Apostle’s arrival at Cæsarea his accusers made their appearance, headed by the high-priest Ananias, certain of the elders, and an orator named Tertullus1100, whose services had been engaged for this occasion. Accordingly, Felix took his seat on the tribunal1101, and Paul having been sent for, Tertullus formally opened the case. After paying an adroit compliment to the procurator on the comparative quiet which the land enjoyed owing to his vigilance and energy1102, he brought three charges against the prisoner: First, that he was a pestilent mover of sedition among all the Jews throughout the world, which amounted to a charge of treason1103 against the emperor; secondly, that he was a ringleader of the sect of the Nazarenes; and thirdly, that he had made an attempt to profane the Temple at Jerusalem. On these charges he declared the Jews had been about to judge him before their own tribunal, when Lysias forcibly took him away, and referred his accusers to the judgment-seat of Felix.

To these allegations the Jews present expressed their consent, hoping doubtless that the procurator would hand over the prisoner to their courts, where his fate would be soon decided. But Felix made a sign to the Apostle to proceed with his defence, and he, after expressing his satisfaction in pleading before one who had been so long familiar with the nation, commenced replying to the charges that had been brought against him. A disturber of the nation, he said, he was not, for on his recent visit to the Holy City but twelve days before, he had neither caused a disturbance, or even disputed in the temple, the synagogue, or the streets. As to his being a ringleader of the sect of the Nazarenes, he had never swerved from his belief in the Law and the Prophets; like his accusers, he believed the doctrine of a resurrection, and strove to keep a conscience void of offence towards God and man. As to profaning the Temple, he had lately visited it as the bearer of offerings for his nation, and to observe some of the strictest ceremonies of the Law, not to gather together a multitude or cause a tumult. Certain Jews of Asia, indeed, had brought an accusation against him, but they ought now to have been present as witnesses, ready to bring forward a specific charge, if they had any (Acts xxiv. 10–21).

Felix, who had listened attentively to the Apostle’s address, was well acquainted with the character of the Christian religion, which had not only penetrated into Cæsarea, but also numbered disciples even among the troops1104. He was, therefore, in a position fully to appreciate the weakness of the allegations against the prisoner, and the misrepresentations of his accusers, and must have felt that the only proper course was to pronounce his acquittal and set him free. But this he could not make up his mind to do, and chose to reserve his final1105 decision till Lysias should arrive, and in the meantime committed the Apostle to the charge of the centurion1106 who had brought him to Cæsarea, with instructions to keep him safely, but at the same time to allow his friends1107 to have free access to his apartments.

A few days afterwards Felix entered the audience chamber with his wife Drusilla1108, daughter of the late king Herod Agrippa. Her beauty is spoken of as something marvellous, and she had been induced by the procurator to leave her first husband, Azizus king of Emessa, to become his paramour. The two now sent for St Paul, and desired to have the Christian doctrines explained to them. Accordingly before the Roman libertine and the profligate Jewish princess, the Apostle preached with his wonted faithfulness, and while he discoursed concerning righteousness, and temperance, and judgment to come, Felix trembled. But though he trembled, the profligate governor would not release his prisoner from confinement. Go thy way, said he, for this time; when I have a convenient season I will send for thee. He knew that the Apostle’s relatives moved in a respectable sphere, and he had heard him speak of sums of money1109 intrusted to his care, and he wished it to be understood that his liberation was not hopeless, if bought with a suitable sum1110. Hence he frequently sent for the Apostle, and conversed with him. But St Paul was not one to stoop to such dishonourable means. He preferred to remain in confinement rather than purchase his freedom with a bribe, and at Cæsarea he continued upwards of two years, or from A.D. 58 to A.D. 60.

During this long period of suspense from active labour, it is not improbable that the Gospel of St Luke was composed under the Apostle’s eye, and it is possible that “many messages, and even letters, of which we know nothing, may have been sent from Cæsarea to brethren at a distance1111.” Meanwhile the government of Felix became more and more unpopular, and the disaffection of his subjects was increased by a serious quarrel between the Jewish and heathen population at Cæsarea, in which the troops sided with the latter, and committed gross acts of butchery and plunder1112. This led to the recall of Felix, A.D. 60; and anxious to conciliate the Jews, who had complained of his administration at Rome, he left Paul in bonds (Acts xxiv. 27).

His successor was Porcius Festus, who like himself had probably been a slave, and was one of the emperor’s freedmen. Three days after his landing at Cæsarea he repaired to Jerusalem, and there was introduced to the high-priest1113 and leading members of the nation. They instantly embraced the opportunity of renewing their machinations against the Apostle, and requested the new governor to allow him to be removed to Jerusalem, intending to assassinate him on the road (Acts xxv. 3). Festus replied that St Paul was in custody at Cæsarea, whither he himself was on the point of returning: the Roman Law did not allow an uncondemned person to be given up as a mere favour: he must have his accusers face to face, and be enabled to make his defence; if therefore they wished to bring any charges against him, they must come down to Cæsarea and there prefer them (Acts xxv. 4, 5, 16).

After a stay, therefore, of 8 or 10 days in Jerusalem, he returned to Cæsarea, and the accusers apparently went down the same day. No time was lost in putting the Apostle on his trial. The very next day Festus took his seat on the tribunal, and ordered St Paul to be put forward. Then the delegates from the Sanhedrin urged their accusations, which appear to have been much the same as those brought forward at the previous trial. But they were utterly unable to support their statements, and the Apostle contented himself with a brief but emphatic denial that he had done anything against the Law, the Temple, or Cæsar (Acts xxv. 8).

The sincerity of his bearing appears to have told favourably with the procurator, and he quickly perceived that he was involved in no political movements (Acts xxv. 18, 19), that he had done nothing worthy of death (Acts xxv. 25), and that the charges against him related only to religious questions between him and his nation. Unwilling, however, to allow a matter immediately to drop, in which the Jews evidently took so deep an interest, he proposed that he should go up to Jerusalem, and there submit to a formal trial in the presence of himself (Acts xxv. 9). But the Apostle knew full well the danger involved in such a journey. He replied, therefore, that he had done no wrong, as Festus himself knew well, and that if he was guilty he was willing to die, but that since the accusations preferred against him were really groundless, rather than go up to Jerusalem, he would avail himself of his privilege as a Roman citizen; he appealed unto Cæsar1114 (Acts xxv. 11). According to the Roman law, it was sufficient that a Roman citizen should merely utter the words I appeal, and his case was instantly removed to the supreme tribunal of the Emperor. After a brief conversation, therefore, with his assessors, Festus merely enquired whether he adhered to his determination, and then made answer, Thou hast appealed unto Cæsar; to Cæsar thou shalt go (Acts xxv. 12).

Though, however, the appeal had been allowed, Festus was in much perplexity to decide how he might describe the charge against the Apostle to the Emperor. It seemed to him a foolish thing to send a prisoner to Rome, without at the same time specifying the charges against him, but how to do this after the vague and unsatisfactory information elicited at the trial appeared extremely difficult. It happened, however, at this time that Herod Agrippa II.1115, king of Chalcis, with his sister Bernice1116, arrived on a complimentary visit1117 to the procurator, and stayed some time at Cæsarea. Agrippa had long been acquainted with all that related to Jewish customs, and had, as we have seen, been invested by the Emperor with the power of nominating the high-priest. Festus, therefore, gladly embraced this opportunity of consulting one so much better informed than himself on the points in dispute, and related all the particulars concerning the Apostle so far as he was acquainted with them (Acts xxv. 14–21), and more especially his reiterated assertion concerning one Jesus who had died and was alive again. Agrippa, who could not have heard now for the first time of the great doctrine of the Christian faith expressed a desire to see the prisoner. To this Festus readily assented, and fixed the following day for the interview.

Accordingly at the time appointed Agrippa and Bernice with much pomp entered the audience-chamber, accompanied by their suite and the chief men of Cæsarea, and at the command of Festus, Paul was brought before them. As soon as the Apostle appeared, Festus in a set speech detailed the circumstances under which he had become acquainted with the prisoner, his appeal to Cæsar, and his own anxiety to obtain some definite information which he might lay before his lord1118 the emperor concerning him (Acts xxv. 24–27).

Upon this Agrippa signified to the Apostle that he was permitted to speak for himself, and St Paul stretching forth his manacled hands proceeded to address his numerous and influential hearers. After expressing his satisfaction at the opportunity thus afforded him of speaking before one so well versed as Agrippa in all customs and questions amongst the Jews, he went on, much as he had done on the stairs leading up to the Castle of Antonia, to speak of his education according to the strictest requirements of the Jewish law (Acts xxvi. 4–8); of the zeal with which he formerly persecuted the believers in Christ; of the vision vouchsafed to him on the road to Damascus, and the commission he had received to preach the Gospel amongst the Gentiles (Acts xxvi. 9–18); and lastly of his unceasing endeavours to carry out this commission, which had brought upon him the enmity of the Jews, though his teaching was in strict accordance with the Jewish Scriptures, and their predictions of the coming of a Messiah who should suffer and rise from the dead (Acts xxvi. 19–23).

This address made no impression upon Festus. Regarding the idea of a resurrection as foolishness, he ascribed the zeal of the Apostle to an excited imagination, or the effect of over-study1119. Interrupting him, therefore, he cried out in a loud voice (Acts xxvi. 24), Paul, thou art mad; much learning doth make thee mad. I am not mad, most noble Festus, replied the Apostle with dignified courtesy, but speak forth the words of truth and soberness; and turning to Agrippa, who had knowledge of these matters, and before whom he could speak freely, he solemnly enquired whether he did not believe the prophets. But the persuasive appeal glanced off from the heart of the profligate prince to whom it was addressed. In playful banter or scornful sarcasm he replied, Lightly1120 thou persuadest me to become a Christian. On which the Apostle, lifting up his chained hands, made answer, I would to God that, whether lightly or with difficulty1121, not only thou, but also all that hear me this day, might become such as I am, except these bonds (Acts xxvi. 29). With these words this memorable conference ended. Agrippa had no wish to hear more. He rose up with Festus, Bernice, and their suite, and retired from the audience-chamber. The case of the prisoner was then discussed, and it was agreed that he was guilty of nothing deserving of death or even of imprisonment, and Agrippa remarked that he might have been released had he not appealed to Cæsar. But the appeal had been made, and to the imperial tribunal the Apostle must go.

SECTION IV. St Paul’s Imprisonment at Rome.

Chapter I. The Voyage from Cæsarea. A.D. 60.

AS soon, then, as it was actually decided that St Paul should be sent to Rome, he was delivered over with certain other prisoners to a centurion, named Julius, belonging to the “Augustan cohort,” or the bodyguard of the Emperor, who always treated the Apostle with kindness and consideration.

The ship selected was a vessel of Adramyttium, a sea-port of Mysia, opposite Lesbos, which had probably touched at Cæsarea on a return voyage from Egypt, and was now bound for her own port. In her the Apostle embarked with Aristarchus of Thessalonica, the Evangelist St Luke, the prisoners, and their guard. The wind was fair1122, and on the next day they put into Sidon, probably for the purposes of trade, and here the centurion allowed the Apostle to go on shore and receive the kind attentions of his friends1123.

Loosing from Sidon they were constrained, by reason of adverse winds, to run under the lee of Cyprus, that is, probably, along the north side of the island, and thence, keeping nearer the main-land than the isle, to catch the favouring land-breezes1124, sailed through the open sea of Cilicia and Pamphylia to Myra of Lycia, now a desolate waste, but then a flourishing sea-port. Here the centurion found a ship of Alexandria laden with wheat, which though bound for Italy had been carried to Myra by the same westerly winds which had forced the vessel of Adramyttium to keep to the east of Cyprus. To her, therefore, he transferred his charge, and she set sail, laden with a heavy cargo and upwards of 276 passengers (Acts xxvii. 37).

After loading at Myra, their progress was extremely slow, and in consequence of unfavourable winds it was many days (Acts xxvii. 7) before they came over against Cnidus1125, at the extreme S.W. of the peninsula of Asia Minor. From this point their natural course would have been by the north side of Crete and westward through the Archipelago. But with a north-west wind blowing, it was deemed most prudent to run down to the southward, and after rounding Cape Salmone to pursue their voyage under the lee of Crete. Accordingly having worked up with difficulty along the southern coast, they reached the harbour of Fair Havens1126, about 5 miles to the east of which was the town of Lasæa.

Here they were detained a considerable time waiting for a favourable change of the wind. But none occurred, and the Fast of the Atonement1127, which took place about the period of the autumnal equinox, having passed, the navigation had become very dangerous. It now became a grave question whether they should remain at Fair Havens for the winter, or seek some other anchorage. St Paul advised that they should remain where they were, and declared his conviction that any attempt to pursue the voyage would be attended with loss, not only of the ship and cargo, but also of the lives of those on board. But the owner and master of the ship were of a different opinion, and the harbour of Fair Havens being incommodious for wintering in1128, the majority decided for leaving at the first opportunity, and, if possible, making for a harbour called Phœnix, on the south coast of the island, and somewhat further to the west1129. Influenced by the words of the mariners the centurion resolved to adopt this course, and all waited anxiously for a change of the wind (Acts xxvii. 9–12).

At length the long-looked for change took place. A light breeze sprang up from the south, and the mariners thought their purpose was already accomplished. Weighing anchor, therefore, they set sail, hoping to reach Phœnix in a few hours. Keeping close to the coast they doubled Cape Matala, and were proceeding “with the boat towing astern (Acts xxvii. 16), forgetful of past difficulties, and blind to impending dangers1130,” when suddenly a violent wind, called Euroclydon1131, came down from the heights of Ida1132 on the Cretan shores, and striking the ship whirled her round with such force that it was impossible for the helmsman to make her keep her course (Acts xxvii. 15). Consequently they were obliged to scud before the wind to the south-west about 28 miles, when they neared the little island of Clauda, and running under the lee of it, with much difficulty succeeded in hoisting the boat on board, which was probably full of water. They then proceeded to undergird1133 the vessel, that is, passed strong cables several times round her hull to prevent the starting of her planks and timbers, and being afraid lest they should drift in to the Syrtis1134 on the African coast, lowered the gear, either reefing the mainsail or lowering the great yard upon deck.

Having taken these precautions they proceeded, steering as close to the wind as the gale would permit, and on the following day lightened the ship by flinging overboard all that could be most easily spared. This, however, relieved but little the strain upon her, and on the third day both passengers and crew assisted in throwing out her tackling, including probably the mainyards. Several days of the utmost anxiety and incessant labour then ensued, during which neither sun nor stars appeared in the sky, and the mariners having lost their reckoning, knew neither where they were nor in what direction to steer, and gave up all hopes of safety. But besides being wearied and dispirited, they were suffering also from hunger, owing to the loss of provisions, and the impossibility of preparing any food. On the 14th day, therefore, of the voyage, the Apostle deemed it right to stand forward in their midst (Acts xxvii. 21) with words of encouragement and hope. After gently reminding them that all this harm and loss might have been avoided had they taken his advice, he bade them be of good cheer, for though the vessel could not be saved, not one of their lives should be lost. Of this he was fully assured, for an Angel of that God, whose he was and whom he served, had appeared to him in the night, and told him that he should appear before Cæsar, and that God had given him the lives of all on board; he, for his part, had no doubt that this would prove true, and added that they must be cast upon a certain island.

What effect these words had upon the hungry and exhausted mariners is not recorded, but we cannot doubt that it contributed not a little to nerve them with fresh courage to meet the difficulties before them. The storm, indeed, still continued with unabated fury, but on the midnight of the fourteenth day as they were drifting through the sea of Adria1135, the sailors suspected from the roar of the breakers that they were nearing land. On this they sounded, and found the depth of water to be 20 fathoms. After a brief interval they sounded again, and found it was 15 fathoms. Filled with fear lest the ship should strike and break up, they thereupon let go four anchors1136 by the stern, and waited anxiously for the day (Acts xxvii. 29). During these weary hours, the sailors, aware that the vessel might founder before dawn, lowered the boat under pretence of laying out anchors from the bow for the purpose of steadying the ship, but really to effect their own escape, and leave the passengers to their fate. But the Apostle penetrated their design, and addressing himself to the centurion and the soldiers, declared that unless these remained on board they could not hope to be saved. Thereupon the soldiers, with characteristic decision, cut the ropes, and the boat fell off (Acts xxvii. 32).

Another proof of the ascendancy which St Paul had acquired over all on board was soon afforded. But a short space now remained before daylight, and then fresh exertions would be needed. He advised, therefore, that during the interval they should recruit their exhausted energies by partaking of food. Then setting an example himself, he took bread, gave thanks to God before them all, and began to eat. Encouraged by his calmness, the rest did the same, and, strengthened by the meal, made a final effort to lighten the ship by flinging overboard the cargo, which by this time must have been spoilt by the salt water. While they were thus employed, the long-looked for day at length dawned, and revealed to the sailors a coast, which, however, they did not recognise. But the sight of a small bay, with a sandy or pebbly beach1137, revived their determination, if possible, to run the vessel aground. Every precaution was therefore taken. The cables were cut and the anchors cast adrift; the lashings of the rudders1138 were unloosed; the foresail1139 hoisted (Acts xxvii. 40), and the vessel was run on shore at a spot between two seas (Acts xxvii. 41). Here the bow stuck fast on a bank of tenacious clay, while the stern began to break up under the violence of the waves. Certain that the ship must very speedily go to pieces, the soldiers, who were responsible with their lives for the safe custody of their prisoners, afraid that some might swim off and so escape, formed the cruel design of putting them all to death. This, however, the centurion, resolved at all risks to save St Paul, resolutely forbade, and ordered such as were able to swim to cast themselves into the sea first, while the rest, some on spars, and some on broken pieces of the ship, made their way to land; and thus, as the Apostle had said, the whole company escaped safely (Acts xxvii. 44).

Chapter II. The Reception at Malta, and Arrival at Rome. A.D. 60, 61.

THUS flung upon the shore, the exhausted voyagers ascertained that the island was none other than Melita1140, at that time much uncultivated and overrun with wood, and inhabited by a population of Phœnician origin, who not being of Greek or Roman descent were designated barbarians (Acts xxviii. 2). But the reception they gave to the shipwrecked crew proved that they were no savages, for hurrying down to the beach, they eagerly afforded all possible relief to their wants. The rain was falling in torrents, and the weather was extremely cold. Lighting a fire therefore on the shore, they welcomed them all to its genial warmth. Foremost amongst those gathering the sticks to increase the much-needed blaze was the Apostle himself, and as he did so, a viper came out of the heat and fastened on his hand. The incident did not escape the notice of the islanders. This man, said they, must be a murderer: he has escaped from the sea, but vengeance suffereth him not to live. But the Apostle no sooner flung off the creature without suffering any injury, than their feelings underwent an instant change1141, and they said that he was a god. Near the place where the vessel had been lost, Publius, the Roman governor1142 of the island, had some possessions. For three days he entertained the shipwrecked strangers with much hospitality, and the Apostle was enabled to requite his attentions by miraculously healing his father, who lay afflicted with fever and dysentery (Acts xxviii. 8). The fame of this cure soon spread abroad, and others afflicted with disease repaired to the Apostle and experienced similar healing effects.

After a stay of three months on the island, the time when the ancients deemed navigation practicable again came round, and Julius secured a passage for himself and his charge in another corn-ship of Alexandria, which had wintered in the island, and was called the Castor and Pollux. Laden with many presents from the grateful islanders the Apostle and his party went on board, and setting sail put into the harbour of Syracuse, where they remained three days. Thence they shaped a course northwards towards the straits of Messina. But the wind was not favourable, and they were constrained, after beating about (Acts xxviii. 13), to put into Rhegium at the entrance of the straits, where they remained one day. On the following morning a south wind sprang up, and they were enabled to reach Puteoli1143, the most sheltered part of the bay of Naples, and the great emporium for the Alexandrian corn-ships1144, and here they were rejoiced to find certain of the brethren, and abode with them seven days (Acts xxviii. 14).

At the end of this period the party commenced their journey towards Rome, distant 150 miles. The first part of their route was probably from Puteoli by a cross-road to Capua, thence along the Via Appia by Sinuessa on the sea, Minturnæ, and Formiæ to Terracina1145. The next stage brought them to Appii Forum1146, whither the Christians from Rome who had heard of the Apostle’s arrival at Puteoli, had come forth a distance of 43 miles to meet him. Deeply moved by this proof of their affectionate zeal, he thanked God and took courage (Acts xxviii. 15). Ten miles further on, at a place called the “Three Taverns,” a second company was waiting to greet him, and thus in the society of numerous friends whom he had probably known during his labours in the East, the Apostle proceeded through the town of Aricia to the imperial city. There Julius the centurion delivered up his prisoners to the prefect of the prætorian guard1147, an office held at this time by Burrhus, one of the chief advisers of Nero (Acts xxviii. 16). Either influenced by the favourable report of the centurion, or the tone of the letter from Festus, the prefect allowed the Apostle to be kept separate from the rest of the prisoners, and to take up his abode in a hired house (Acts xxviii. 30), with the soldier to whom he was chained1148.

Three days after his arrival the Apostle sent for the leading men among the Jews, and sought to remove any prejudices they might have formed against him from the circumstances under which he had entered the capital of the West. Though, he said, he had committed no offence against his nation or the customs of his fathers, he had yet been delivered a prisoner into the hands of the Romans. They had examined him, but could discover nothing he had done that was worthy of death, and would have liberated him, had it not been for the opposition of his Jewish enemies. Under these circumstances, not with any intention of accusing his nation before the emperor, he had appealed to Cæsar. His only crime had been his firm conviction of the reality of the promise of the Messiah, and for the hope of Israel he was bound with the chains he then wore (Acts xxviii. 17–20).

In reply to this address the Jews assured him that they had received no information1149 to his disadvantage from Judæa, and none of the brethren had arrived alleging anything against him. The Christian sect they knew well was everywhere spoken against, and they would be glad to hear from him any statement concerning its doctrines which he might be willing to make. A day was accordingly fixed for the desired hearing, and a considerable number repaired to the Apostle’s own private lodging (Acts xxviii. 23), and from morning till evening he continued to plead with them, delivering his testimony concerning the kingdom of God, and opening up, both from the Law and the Prophets, the things relating to Jesus Christ. The result was a division amongst his hearers. Some believed the things which were spoken, and some believed not (Acts xxviii. 24), and after much discussion the unbelieving portion departed, but not before they had been warned by St Paul that they were incurring the penalty of that judicial blindness of which the prophet Isaiah1150 had spoken (Is. vi. 9, 10), and that the inheritance they renounced would be bestowed upon the Gentiles (Acts xxviii. 28).

After this address the Jews departed. The ways of the great Apostle were not their ways, neither were his thoughts their thoughts. While they retired to dispute concerning the Christian sect, he remained in his own hired house, and there resided upwards of two years, still indeed a prisoner under military custody, but permitted to receive all who came to him, and to preach boldly the kingdom of God, and those things which concerned the Lord Jesus Christ (Acts xxviii. 30, 31).

Chapter III. The First Imprisonment at Rome. A.D. 61–63.

BEYOND the point where the last Chapter ends, the sacred narrative, contained in the Acts of the Apostles, does not conduct us. The incidents connected with St Paul’s imprisonment at Rome, and his subsequent history, must be gathered from various allusions in several letters he wrote during this period.

His trial it would seem, then, was for a considerable time postponed. His accusers, whose arrival was not even expected by the Roman Jews (Acts xxviii. 21), do not appear to have reached Rome before the summer or autumn of the year1151 A.D. 61, and the necessity of obtaining evidence as to the charges against him from Judæa, Syria, Cilicia, Pisidia, and Macedonia, added to the fact that according to the Roman law the witnesses both of the prosecutors and the accused must be examined on each of the charges separately1152, would necessitate an adjournment of the case from time to time to suit the convenience of the Emperor.

During, however, this long period of delay the Apostle was not obliged to remain inactive. Allowed to live in a house by himself, and to receive any who wished to visit him, he had many opportunities of preaching the word, and the glad tidings of the Kingdom (Acts xxviii. 31). Nor were his efforts fruitless. To use his own language, he begat many children even in his bonds (Philem. 10), and through the numerous and deeply attached friends, by whom he was surrounded, he was enabled to communicate with many of the Churches which he had planted. Thus there were with him at this time Luke, the beloved physician, and his old companion (Col. iv. 14; Philem. 24); Timothy his favourite disciple (Philem. 1; Col. i. 1; Phil. i. 1). Tychicus1153 (Col. iv. 7; Eph. vi. 21); John Mark, whom he had once1154 been obliged to reject as having abandoned the ministry, but who, he now allowed, was profitable to him (comp. Col. iv. 10, 2 Tim. iv. 11); Demas, now, indeed, a faithful fellow-labourer (Philem. 24); Col. iv. 14), though soon, alas, to be drawn away by love of this present world (2 Tim. iv. 10); Aristarchus of Macedonia (Col. iv. 10); and Epaphras1155 of Colossæ (Col. i. 7).

But amongst these, thus ministering unto him, was one in whom he felt a peculiar interest. This was a slave, named Onesimus, who had run away from his master Philemon1156, a Christian1157 of Colossæ, and had fled to Rome, where, amidst the vast population of the metropolis, he probably hoped to escape the notice of his pursuers. Through circumstances which have not been recorded, the fugitive slave became acquainted with the imprisoned Apostle, and was converted to the faith of Christ. There appears to have been something peculiarly attractive in his character, and so useful did he prove in various private ways, that St Paul would have kept him at Rome and employed him in the service of the Gospel (Philem. 13), but, with his habitual regard for the rights of others, he decided that he must first return and be reconciled to his master; and to make this duty less painful, he sent with him a letter1158 to Philemon, in which he requested his master to forgive him, and offered to reimburse any loss he might have sustained by his running away (Philem. 19), and at the same time expressed his thankfulness to God for the account which he had heard of Philemon’s faith and love (Philem. 4–7).

But Onesimus was not to return to the East alone. Tychicus was on the point of setting out thither also, and it was the Apostle’s wish that he should be the bearer of a letter to the church of Colossæ1159. Of the condition of this church he had heard through Epaphras, now present in Rome, and who is regarded by some as its probable founder1160 (Col. i. 7), and the news was such as to give him serious concern. Through the coming of some teacher, probably from Alexandria, the Colossians had become imbued with a spirit of a half-Jewish and half-Oriental philosophy, tending to corrupt the simplicity of their faith, and to obscure the dignity of Christ by a spurious union of Jewish observances with a worshipping of angels, and an extravagant asceticism. These growing evils St Paul deemed his duty to counteract, and in the Epistle, of which Epaphras was the bearer, set forth with special prominence the eternal glory and inherent dignity of Christ (Col. i. 15–23), and after cautioning the Colossians against false philosophy, legal observances, angel-worship, and asceticism (Col. ii.), exhorted them to various Christian virtues (Col. iii.–iv. 6), referred them to Tychicus and Onesimus for information respecting his condition (Col. iv. 7–9), and requested them to forward the Epistle to Laodicea, and to read that from the same place (Col. iv. 16).

As bearers of these letters Tychicus and Onesimus set out for Asia Minor. But Tychicus was charged with another letter, the Epistle to the Ephesians, either addressed to the Christians in the capital of proconsular Asia, or intended as a circular letter for the use of the various churches in that province1161. In this Epistle, the thoughts and language of which betray a very considerable resemblance to those employed in that to the Colossians, the Apostle, after a summary (chiefly in the form of thanksgiving) of the Christian doctrines (Eph. i.–iii. 19), exhorted the Ephesians to unity (Eph. iv. 1–16), the abstinence from heathen vices (Eph. iv. 17–v. 21), the faithful discharge of their domestic duties as wives and husbands, children and parents, servants and masters (Eph. v. 22–vi. 9), and urged them, amidst surrounding dangers and temptations, to be vigilant, and to array themselves in the whole panoply1162 of God (Eph. vi. 10–20).

After the dispatch of these three letters in the spring of A.D. 62, the Apostle’s heart was cheered by the arrival of a contribution from the Philippians, brought by Epaphroditus, a leading presbyter in that church. Though apparently in ill-health when he set out, he had, in the face of some unusual danger, persevered in his journey (Phil. ii. 30), in order that he might present to the Apostle this fresh proof of the noble liberality of the church over which he presided.

Till the close of the year A.D. 62, or the commencement of A.D. 63, Epaphroditus continued at Rome, and while tendering his services to the Apostle fell dangerously ill. Subsequently, however, he fully recovered, and was filled with anxiety to return to his friends at Philippi, who he learnt were in much distress on receiving intelligence of his sickness (Phil. ii. 26). St Paul was also himself anxious that he should return (Phil. ii. 25, 28), and resolved to make him the bearer of a letter to the Philippian church in acknowledgment of the kindness he had experienced from its members. His own circumstances were somewhat changed since he wrote to the Colossians and Ephesians. Though what had befallen him had tended rather to the furtherance than hindrance of the message he proclaimed, and his chains had become well-known throughout the whole prætorium1163 (Phil. i. 12, 13); though also by the energy of the Apostle himself and of many of the brethren no little impression had been made on the masses of heathendom in the city (Phil. i. 14–18); yet the course of political events was sufficient to excite considerable apprehension. The virtuous Burrhus was dead1164, and had been succeeded in the command of the prætorian guards by Fenius Rufus and Sofonius Tigellinus, the former a man of no capacity, the latter notorious for determined wickedness. About the same time also Nero contracted an alliance with the infamous Poppæa1165, a Jewish proselytess, whose influence over the emperor was strongly exerted in favour of the Jews, and in furtherance of their cause.

The horizon, therefore, of the Apostle was dark and lowering, and he could not look forward with the same confidence as before to his speedy release (comp. Philem. 22 with Phil. ii. 17, iii. 11), but he could write to the church he had planted at Philippi, and though the time might be at hand for his blood to be poured forth as a libation (Phil. ii. 17) over the sacrifice of his continued zeal in his Master’s cause, he could rejoice in their progress and the tidings he had received of their welfare (Phil. i. 3–5). In the Epistle, therefore, of which Epaphroditus was the bearer, he expressed his heartfelt thankfulness for all he had heard of their constancy under persecution (Phil. i. 29, 30), and liberality, which distinguished them above all other churches (Phil. iv. 15); exhorted them to continued unity and fortitude, to humility and earnestness (Phil. ii. 1–16); expressed his intention of shortly sending Timothy to them (Phil. ii. 17–24); warned them against Judaizing teachers (Phil. iii. 1–8), and urged two female converts of distinction, Euodias and Syntyche, who had been guilty of strife and altercation, to love and reconciliation (Phil. iv. 2, 3), and all to a holy and a Christian life (Phil. iv. 4–9). With this Epistle, which concludes with a significant salutation from the Christians in Cæsar’s household (Phil. iv. 22), and points to the progress of the Gospel there, even amidst the scenes of terrible wickedness1166 now enacted in the imperial household, Epaphroditus set out for Macedonia.

Chapter IV. St Paul’s Second Imprisonment and Death. A.D. 63–68.

THE Apostle’s trial, as we have seen in the preceding Chapter, was long delayed. At length, however, a time was fixed for hearing his case, and after a trial in all probability before the Emperor Nero himself, he was, according to the universal testimony1167 of the ancient Church, acquitted of the charges that had been brought against him. Thus liberated he would be naturally anxious to fulfil the intentions he had expressed in his Epistles to Philemon and the Philippians1168 of revisiting the Churches he had planted in Macedonia and Asia Minor, and others, which had not as yet seen his face in the flesh.

Setting out, therefore, from Rome to Brundusium, it is probable that he crossed thence to Dyrrachium or Apollonia, and so travelled by the great Egnatian road to Philippi. We cannot doubt that the joy of the Christians there would be great at being thus able to welcome once more their revered teacher, but his stay there was not likely to have been protracted; and proceeding to Asia, in accordance with his former designs and intentions, he most probably fixed his head-quarters at Ephesus, and thence visited Colossæ, Laodicea, Hierapolis and other Churches1169.

What time he now spent amongst the brethren of proconsular Asia is not known, but it is not altogether improbable that in the year A.D. 64 he carried out his long-intended visit to Spain (Rom. xv. 24, 28), and spent two years in planting churches amongst the numerous Jewish proselytes in all the towns along the Spanish coast from Gades to Tarraco1170. Thence we may believe he returned about A.D. 66 to Ephesus, and found to his great sorrow that what he had long ago predicted to the presbyters of that city, when they bade him farewell on the sea-shore of Miletus (Acts xx. 28–31), had been too truly fulfilled. Grievous wolves had indeed entered in amongst them, not sparing the flock; nay, from the very bosom of the Church itself men had arisen, speaking perverse things, to draw away disciples after them (Acts xx. 30). Leaders of rival sects, Hymenæeus, Philetus, Alexander (1 Tim. i. 20; 2 Tim. ii. 17, iv. 14, 15), had appeared, perverting the minds of the disciples from the simplicity of the faith, and blending with it the subtilties of Greek philosophy, Jewish superstition, and wild Oriental speculation. Other duties, indeed, prevented the continuance of the Apostle’s personal supervision of the Asiatic churches, and leaving Timothy at Ephesus, he returned to Macedonia (1 Tim. i. 3). There, however, he appears to have feared he might be detained longer than he had anticipated (1 Tim. iii. 14, 15), and, well acquainted with the peculiar difficulties connected with the position of his beloved disciple, he addressed to him what is known as “the first Epistle to Timothy.”

The main objects of this Epistle were two-fold, first, to encourage him in the superintendence of the Ephesian church, and to aid him in his struggle with the heretical teachers spoken of above (1 Tim. i. 3–20). The second was to give him various personal directions respecting the government of the Church itself, such as the manner of conducting public worship (1 Tim. ii. 1–8); the dress and behaviour of women (1 Tim. ii. 9–15); the qualifications of bishops and deacons (1 Tim. iii.); the selection of widows to receive the charity of the Church (1 Tim. v. 3–16); the punishment of offenders (1 Tim. v. 20, 21); and his own life and conversation (1 Tim. vi. 11–19).

In this letter he also expressed his design of shortly returning to Ephesus (1 Tim. iii. 14), and this intention he appears to have carried out. Repairing from Macedonia to the capital of proconsular Asia, he made an expedition thence to the island of Crete, accompanied by Titus (Tit. i. 5). The churches there do not seem to have been now for the first time founded, but to have already been some considerable period in existence. Like those, however, in proconsular Asia, they were “troubled by false teachers, and probably had never yet been properly organised, having originated, perhaps, in the private efforts of individual Christians, who would have been supplied with a centre of operations and nucleus of churches by the numerous colonies of Jews established in the island1171.”

Unable, however, himself to remain long, the Apostle left Titus there, as he had left Timothy at Ephesus, to complete what he had been obliged to leave unfinished, and to organise the Church by the appointment of presbyters in every city (Tit. i. 5). But shortly after his return to Asia Minor, he deemed that a letter from himself might encourage him to confront the opposition he was likely to encounter in carrying out his wishes, and with this he resolved to send general directions respecting the organisation of the Church. From Ephesus, therefore, he dispatched an Epistle to Titus, in which he laid down certain instructions concerning the ordination of elders (Tit. i. 5–9); cautioned him against false teachers (Tit. i. 9–16); described the sound and practical Christianity which he was to inculcate on old and young, on masters and slaves, and to exemplify in his own life (Tit. ii. 1–15); and enjoined obedience to rulers, gentleness and forbearance towards all men, and an avoidance of all idle speculations (Tit. iii. 1–11).

At the time of writing this Epistle it was not St Paul’s intention that Titus should remain long in Crete. He himself was on the point of leaving Asia for Nicopolis1172, intending to winter there (Tit. iii. 12). On the arrival, therefore of Artemas or Tychicus, whom he intended to send to him, Titus was to endeavour to join him. Accordingly setting out from Ephesus the Apostle repaired to Miletus (2 Tim. iv. 20), and there left his old companion Trophimus1173, who was overtaken with sickness. Thence he sailed to Corinth, and leaving there Erastus, the former chamberlain of that city, passed on to Nicopolis1174, where he would seem to have laboured for a space during the winter.

At this time however the Christians had become distinguished from the Jews, and the objects of suspicion and hostility, and the Apostle’s labours at Nicopolis were brought to an abrupt conclusion. Arrested it is not improbable, before the middle of the winter1175, through the restless activity of some of his many enemies, he was sent to Rome to be tried a second time for his life. The terror of his arrest scattered many of his friends. Demas from love of this present world forsook him and departed to Thessalonica, Crescens to Galatia, and Titus himself, who had joined his master at Nicopolis, possibly by his desire, repaired to the neighbouring Dalmatia (2 Tim. iv. 10). Luke alone remained in constant attendance on the Apostle, and shared with him the perils of his second imprisonment at Rome. This was evidently far more severe than the previous one. Not only was he chained to a soldier, but he was treated as a malefactor (2 Tim. ii. 9), and so perilous was it to visit him that few were willing to seek out his dungeon or to stand by him (2 Tim. i. 16, iv. 16), while he himself could look forward to nothing but certain martyrdom (2 Tim. iv. 6–8).

The course of political events sufficiently accounts for the change in the Apostle’s circumstances. Anxious to avert from himself the charge of having set the capital on fire, Nero had let loose the rage of the populace upon the Christians, now very numerous and objects of intense hatred. A familiar passage in the writings of Tacitus1176 tells us how some of them were crucified, some hunted to death with dogs, some wrapped in robes smeared with pitch and set on fire at night before the eyes of the Emperor, who watched their dying agonies arrayed in the costume of a charioteer. Since then the fury of the first excitement had passed away, but so prominent a ringleader of a hated sect as the Apostle would be certain to be treated with much severity.

On the evidence therefore of certain informers, of whom Alexander the coppersmith apparently was one (2 Tim. iv. 14), he was put upon his trial, probably before the city prefect1177, in one of the numerous basilicas that stood in the Forum. No friend, no adviser, stood by him (2 Tim. iv. 16), to cheer or to encourage. Alone and unaided, save by an Almighty though Invisible Friend (2 Tim. iv. 17), he pleaded the cause of the Gospel before a numerous audience, and all the Gentiles heard his testimony, and the result was that of the first of the charges brought against him he was acquitted, and was delivered out of the mouth of the lion (2 Tim. iv. 17).

Remanded back to his dungeon to await the second hearing of his case, and not anticipating anything but an ultimate conviction, ready to be offered and convinced that the time of his departure was at hand (2 Tim. iv. 6), the Apostle, though cheered by the society of Luke and Onesiphorus (2 Tim. i. 16, 17), yearned towards the friend of his earlier days, his own son Timothy. He longed to see him once more, and though he was far away in Ephesus, discharging the duties of his difficult position, he resolved to dictate an Epistle to him, bidding him come with all speed to Rome, and receive his parting injunctions. Accordingly, it was now that the “Second Epistle to Timothy” was written, in which the aged Apostle, with the utmost tenderness and solemnity exhorted his own son to diligence and stedfastness, to patience under persecution (2 Tim. i. 6–15), and a willingness to share in the sufferings of saints (2 Tim. ii. 1–16). In the event moreover of his not arriving in time to receive his last injunction, he charged him, with all the solemnity of one about to appear before the Judge of quick and dead, to be faithful in all the duties of his office (2 Tim. iv. 1–5), and cautioned him against the false teaching which now threatened the very foundation of the Faith (2 Tim. iii.).

Whether Timothy did rejoin the Apostle, as he so earnestly requested, and bring the cloak for which with touching simplicity he made request amid the rigours of the winter (2 Tim. iv. 13), is not recorded. Some are willing to hazard the conjecture that he did1178; but however it was, the Apostle’s second trial and condemnation were not long delayed. As a Roman citizen, he could not be compelled to endure the lingering tortures, which so many who shared with him the name of “Christians” had lately undergone. But beyond the city-walls, along the road to Ostia, the port of Rome, he was led forth under military escort, to the place of execution; there the sword of the headsman fell flashing down, and he obtained that Crown, which He, whose faithful witness he was, had promised to all them that love Him (2 Tim. iv. 8).

Note.

Beside the Apostle, whose glorious career was thus closed by the sword of the executioner, three and three only of the immediate followers of our Lord hold a prominent place in the Apostolic records—James the Lord’s brother, Peter and John1179.

1. The main facts in the history of James, who was surnamed the Just, have been already related, and we have seen how prominent was the part he took at the Council held at Jerusalem1180, A.D. 50. He1181 was the author of the first of the Seven so-called “Catholic or General Epistles,” which he addressed, apparently from Jerusalem, to the Jewish Christians residing in Palestine, or scattered among the Gentiles, according to some as early as A.D. 45, according to others as late as A.D. 62.

2. Our last notice of St Peter referred to the time when St Paul withstood him to the face at Antioch, because he was to be blamed1182. Subsequently to this date we have no notices in Scripture of his place of abode or of his work. It is probable, however, that after completing the organisation of the Churches in Palestine, and some parts of Asia Minor (1 Pet. i. 1, 2), he resided for some time at Babylon (1 Pet. v. 13), where had been settled from very early times an important community of Jews1183. Hence, at some period between the years A.D. 63 and 671184, he addressed his first Epistle to the Jewish converts scattered throughout Asia Minor, for the purpose of confirming them in the Christian faith, encouraging them to endure the persecutions to which they were exposed, and exhorting them to refute the calumnies of their enemies by leading a holy life. The time and place of the composition of his Second Epistle are alike surrounded with difficulties. The most reasonable conjecture appears to be that the Apostle wrote it in his old age, about the year A.D. 68, either from Rome, where he is said to have suffered martyrdom1185, or somewhere on the journey thither from the East.

3. St John, we saw, was at Jerusalem, when St Paul paid his third visit to that city1186, and was then regarded as one of the Chief “Pillars” of the Church. His movements after this date are shrouded in much obscurity. It seems most probable, however, that after remaining for a season in Palestine, he repaired to Ephesus, and laboured amongst the seven Churches of Asia Minor. Thence on the authority of Irenæus and Eusebius we gather that he wrote his three Epistles, according to some as early as A.D. 68, according to others as late as the close of the first century. During the reign of Domitian, A.D. 94 or 95, he was banished to the isle of Patmos, and there wrote his Apocalypse, and afterwards returned to Ephesus, where he died.

4. The writer of one other “Catholic” Epistle remains to be noticed—Jude, called also Lebbæus and Thaddæus1187, the brother of James the Less, and most probably one of the so-called brethren of our Lord. We find his name in the lists of the Apostles (Lk. vi. Acts i.), but the only incident relating to him recorded in the Gospel narrative is the question he put to the Saviour on the eve of his crucifixion, Lord, how is it that thou wilt manifest thyself to us, and not unto the world? (Jn. xiv. 22). The place where the Epistle was written is not known. Various dates have been assigned to it, some referring it to A.D. 64 or 65, others to A.D. 75 or even later. The readers are nowhere expressly defined; but the reference to Jewish traditions (Jude 9–14) seems to hint that the Christians of Palestine were the objects of his warnings against false teachers, and of his exhortations to steadfastness in the faith.